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World Cities (world + city)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Humanities and Social Sciences66%
Engineering22%

Terms modified by World Cities

  • world city network
    		•

    Selected Abstracts

    Attending to the world: competition, cooperation and connectivity in the World City network

    GLOBAL NETWORKS, Issue 2 2002
    J. V. Beaverstock
    World Cities are acknowledged to be a key aspect of globalization. In many accounts, these cities are depicted as rivals in a global marketplace, their economic success a result of their competitive advantage. However, what has not been fully acknowledged is their connectivity and, in addition, the time and effort taken by specific ,attendants' to produce the World City network. Accordingly, this article aims to advance understanding of World City network formation by developing a conceptual model that focuses on four major attendants (firms, sectors, cities and states) that enact network formation through two nexuses ,,city-firm' and ,statesector', and two communities ,,cities within states' and ,firms within sectors'. The utility of this model is demonstrated by drawing upon interviews conducted in offices of 39 advanced producer service firms in banking and law. These interviews were undertaken in three World Cities (London, New York and Singapore) in the wake of the East Asian financial crisis, an event that challenged the consistency of the World City network. Showing how attendants sought to maintain and transform the World City network at this key moment of crisis, we conclude that studies of city competitiveness ultimately need to focus on the cooperative work that sustains global networks. [source]

    Cities of God and Nationalism: Mecca, Jerusalem and Rome as Contested World Cities by Khaldoun Samman

    CITY & COMMUNITY, Issue 2 2009
    Anne B. Shlay
    No abstract is available for this article. [source]

    Plural Cities and Ethnic Enclaves: Introducing a Measurement Procedure for Comparative Study

    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2002
    Michael Poulsen
    World cities attract two major streams of migrants , those who occupy the upper levels of their occupational hierarchies (the ,globalized professionals') on the one hand and marginalized, low,skill workers on the other. These two groups are often of different ethnic status, and it is argued that multicultural world cities are thus fractured in both their labour and housing markets along ethnic as well as economic lines. There has been little formal testing of these ideas, however. In this introductory article we introduce a method that can be used for comparative studies of residential fragmentation , an index of residential concentration , and apply it to three cities which have experienced rapid, multiethnic immigration in recent decades (New York, Sydney and Auckland). The patterns displayed indicate much greater fragmentation in New York than in the other two cities, suggesting that the ,conventional wisdom' regarding ethnic residential patterns may over,emphasize ,American exceptionalism'. Les villes mondiales attirent deux grands flux de migrants: ceux qui occupent les niveaux supérieurs de leurs hiérarchies professionnelles (les ,experts mondialisés') d'une part, et les travailleurs peu qualifiés et marginalisés, de l'autre; ces deux groupes sont souvent de statut ethnique différent. De ce fait, ces grandes villes multiculturelles subissent, dit,on, une fracture de leurs marchés du travail et du logement selon des critères à la fois ethniques et économiques , affirmations qui ont rarement été mises à l'épreuve. Cet article introductif présente une méthode utilisable dans des études comparatives de fragmentation résidentielle , indice de concentration résidentielle , en l'appliquant à trois villes ayant connu une rapide immigration multiethnique au cours des dernières décennies (New York, Sydney et Auckland). Les modèles obtenus indiquent une fragmentation bien plus importante à New York que dans les deux autres villes, suggérant que la ,croyance populaire'à l'égard des schémas résidentiels ethniques surestime peut,être ,l'exception américaine'. [source]

    Rain or Shine: Where is the Weather Effect?

    EUROPEAN FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT, Issue 5 2005
    William N. Goetzmann
    G12; G14 Abstract There is considerable empirical evidence that emotion influences decision-making. In this paper, we use a database of individual investor accounts to examine the weather effects on traders. Our analysis of the trading activity in five major US cities over a six-year period finds virtually no difference in individuals' propensity to buy or sell equities on cloudy days as opposed to sunny days. If the association between cloud cover and stock returns documented for New York and other world cities is indeed caused by investor mood swings, our findings suggest that researchers should focus on the attitudes of market-makers, news providers or other agents physically located in the city hosting the exchange. NYSE spreads widen on cloudy days. When we control for this, the weather effect becomes smaller and insignificant. We interpret this as evidence that the behaviour of market-makers, rather than individual investors, may be responsible for the relation between returns and weather. [source]

    The Transnational Capitalist Class and Contemporary Architecture in Globalizing Cities

    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2005
    LESLIE SKLAIR
    The focus of this article is on the role of the transnational capitalist class (TCC) in and around architecture in the production and marketing of iconic buildings and spaces, in global or world cities. The TCC is conceptualized in terms of four fractions: (1) Those who own and/or and control the major transnational corporations and their local affiliates (corporate fraction). In architecture these are the major architectural, architecture-engineering and architecture-developer-real estate firms. In comparison with the major global consumer goods, energy and financial corporations the revenues of the biggest firms in the architecture industry are quite small. However, their importance for the built environment and their cultural importance, especially in cities, far outweighs their relative lack of financial and corporate muscle. (2) Globalizing politicians and bureaucrats (state fraction). These are the politicians and bureaucrats at all levels of administrative power and responsibility who actually decide what gets built where, and how changes to the built environment are regulated. (3) Globalizing professionals (technical fraction). The members of this fraction range from the leading technicians centrally involved in the structural features of new building to those responsible for the education of students and the public in architecture. (4) Merchants and media (consumerist fraction). These are the people who are responsible for the marketing of architecture in all its manifestations. (There is obviously some overlap between the membership of these fractions.). My conclusion is that many global and aspiring global cities have looked to iconic architecture as a prime strategy of urban intervention, often in the context of rehabilitation of depressed areas. The attempt to identify the agents most responsible for this transformation, namely the TCC, and to explain how they operate, suggests that deliberately iconic architecture is becoming a global phenomenon, specifically a central urban manifestation of the culture-ideology of consumerism. L'article porte sur la classe capitaliste transnationale (TCC) au sein et à la périphérie de l'architecture, et sur son rôle dans la production et la commercialisation de constructions et espaces iconiques dans les villes mondiales ou planétaires. Cette classe se conceptualise en quatre fractions: (1) Ceux qui détiennent et/ou contrôlent les principaux groupes transnationaux et leurs sociétés affiliées locales (fraction économique): En architecture, il existe de grands cabinets d'architecture, d'ingénierie en architecture et d'architectes promoteurs immobiliers. Par rapport aux grosses sociétés multinationales de la finance, de l'énergie ou des biens de consommation, les recettes des plus importants cabinets sont assez faibles; pourtant, leur place dans l'environnement construit et la culture, notamment en milieu urbain, compensent largement leur impact relativement mince sur le plan financier et économique. (2) Les acteurs politiques et bureaucratiques de la mondialisation (fraction étatique): Il s'agit des politicients et bureaucrates à tous les niveaux de responsabilié et de pouvoir administratifs qui décident effectivement de ce qui est construit et où, ainsi que de la régulation des changements apportés à l'environnement construit. (3) Les acteurs professionnels de la mondialisation (fraction technique): Leur diversité va des techniciens de renom, surtout impliqués dans les caractéristiques structurelles des nouveaux bâtiments, à ceux qui sont chargés d'enseigner l'architecture aux étudiants et d'éduquer le public. (4) Marchands et médias (fraction consumériste): Ce sont les personnes responsables de la commercialisation de l'architecture dans toutes ses manifestations. Ces quatre fractions présentent bien sûr des intersections. On peut déduire que bon nombre de villes planétaires , ou aspirant à le devenir , ont opté pour une architecture iconique comme première stratégie d'intervention urbaine, souvent dans un contexte de réhabilitation de zones en déclin. Identifier les principaux agents responsables de cette transformation (la TCC) et expliquer leur mode de fonctionnement conduit à suggérer qu'une architecture délibérément iconique devient un phénomène mondial, plus précisément une manifestation urbaine essentielle de l'idéologie-culture du consumérisme. [source]

    Local dimensions of global investment: Israeli property firms in Central Europe

    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2003
    Igal Charney
    Transnational property investment has increased dramatically during the last few decades. This process has been traced by literature focusing on capital-rich countries (e.g. the United States, Canada, Japan) and on major world cities. More recently, in tandem with the collapse of the Berlin Wall, the geographical horizons of foreign investors have broadened to include former socialist countries. This article examines the recent surge in Israeli property investment in Central Europe and argues that global flows depend on relationships between place of origin and destination. Mobility of property capital creates networks that connect cities on a transnational basis. Les investissements immobiliers transnationaux ont énormément augmenté au cours des dernières décennies. Cet aspect a été suivi et documenté surtout pour les pays riches en capitaux (Etats-Unis, Canada, Japon, par exemple) et les grandes villes mondiales. Plus récemment, parallèlement à la chute du Mur de Berlin, les horizons géographiques des investisseurs étrangers se sont élargis aux anciens pays socialistes. L'article examine l'afflux récent d'investissements immobiliers israéliens en Europe centrale, affirmant que les flux planétaires dépendent des relations entre les lieux d'origine et de destination. La mobilité des capitaux immobiliers crée des réseaux qui relient des villes au plan transnational. [source]

    Plural Cities and Ethnic Enclaves: Introducing a Measurement Procedure for Comparative Study

    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2002
    Michael Poulsen
    World cities attract two major streams of migrants , those who occupy the upper levels of their occupational hierarchies (the ,globalized professionals') on the one hand and marginalized, low,skill workers on the other. These two groups are often of different ethnic status, and it is argued that multicultural world cities are thus fractured in both their labour and housing markets along ethnic as well as economic lines. There has been little formal testing of these ideas, however. In this introductory article we introduce a method that can be used for comparative studies of residential fragmentation , an index of residential concentration , and apply it to three cities which have experienced rapid, multiethnic immigration in recent decades (New York, Sydney and Auckland). The patterns displayed indicate much greater fragmentation in New York than in the other two cities, suggesting that the ,conventional wisdom' regarding ethnic residential patterns may over,emphasize ,American exceptionalism'. Les villes mondiales attirent deux grands flux de migrants: ceux qui occupent les niveaux supérieurs de leurs hiérarchies professionnelles (les ,experts mondialisés') d'une part, et les travailleurs peu qualifiés et marginalisés, de l'autre; ces deux groupes sont souvent de statut ethnique différent. De ce fait, ces grandes villes multiculturelles subissent, dit,on, une fracture de leurs marchés du travail et du logement selon des critères à la fois ethniques et économiques , affirmations qui ont rarement été mises à l'épreuve. Cet article introductif présente une méthode utilisable dans des études comparatives de fragmentation résidentielle , indice de concentration résidentielle , en l'appliquant à trois villes ayant connu une rapide immigration multiethnique au cours des dernières décennies (New York, Sydney et Auckland). Les modèles obtenus indiquent une fragmentation bien plus importante à New York que dans les deux autres villes, suggérant que la ,croyance populaire'à l'égard des schémas résidentiels ethniques surestime peut,être ,l'exception américaine'. [source]

    Toward a Geography of the Globalization of Architecture Office Networks

    JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURAL EDUCATION, Issue 3 2005
    PAUL L. KNOX
    This paper examines the globalization of architectural practice, focusing on the global strategies of architectural firms in relation to those of advanced business services and to the evolving network of world cities that provides the spatial framework for economic globalization. A basic geography of global architecture office networks is identified, and multivariate statistical analysis is used to identify four distinctive global arenas in which architectural firms are involved. In a final section, the implications of these findings for architectural education are discussed. [source]

    The Story of Istanbul's Modernisation

    ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN, Issue 1 2010
    lhan Tekeli
    Abstract Since reform started under Ottoman rule in the early 19th century, Istanbul has undergone a substantial period of modernisation that has spanned more than 150 years. ,lhan Tekeli outlines the metropolis' enduring development, characterising Istanbul's transformation into a modern city into four distinct periods. It is a story that bridges the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the reconstruction of the Turkish Republic as a nation-state, with the initial demise of the city in favour of Ankara; and continues with Istanbul regaining its status as a world city; as it evolves from a monstrous industrial city to an urban region and global centre. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]