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Work Requirements (work + requirement)
Selected AbstractsWelfare, Work Requirements, and Dependant-CareJOURNAL OF APPLIED PHILOSOPHY, Issue 3 2004Elizabeth Anderson abstract This article considers the justice of requiring employment as a condition of receiving public assistance. While none of the main theories of justice prohibits work requirements, the arguments in their favour are weak. Arguments based on reciprocity fail to explain why only means-tested public benefits should be subject to work requirements, and why unpaid dependant care work should not count as satisfying citizens' obligations to reciprocate. Arguments based on promoting the work ethic misattribute recipients' nonwork to deviant values, when their core problem is finding steady employment consistent with supporting a family and meeting dependant care responsibilities. Rigid work requirements impose unreasonable costs on some of the poor. A welfare system based on a rebuttable presumption that recipients will work for pay, conjoined with more generous work supports, would promote justice better than either unconditional welfare or strict requirements [1]. [source] Work Requirements and Long-Term PovertyJOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMIC THEORY, Issue 3 2005FRED SCHROYEN We study how work requirements can be used to target transfers to the long-term poor. Without commitment, time consistency requires all screening measures to be concentrated in the first phase of the program. We show that this increases the effectiveness of workfare; it is optimal to use work requirements for a wider range of prior beliefs about the size of the poor population, and work requirements are used more intensively. We compare these results with the optimal policy under commitment. [source] Performance analysis of gas liquefaction cyclesINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENERGY RESEARCH, Issue 1 2008Mehmet Kanoglu Abstract Relations are developed for first- and second-law analyses of the simple Linde,Hampson cycle used in gas liquefaction systems. An expression for the minimum work requirement, which is applicable to any gas liquefaction system, is developed with the help of a Carnot refrigerator. It is shown that the minimum work depends only on the properties of the incoming and outgoing gas streams and the environment temperature. Numerical calculations are performed to obtain the performance parameters of different gases while parametric studies are done to investigate the effects of liquefaction and inlet gas temperatures on various first- and second-law performance parameters. As the liquefaction temperature increases and the inlet gas temperature decreases, the liquefied mass fraction, the coefficient of performance (COP) and the exergy efficiency increase while actual and reversible work consumptions decrease. The exergy efficiency values appear to be low, indicating significant potential exists for improving efficiency and thus decreasing the required work consumption for a specified amount of liquefaction. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] TIME-INCONSISTENCY AND WELFARE PROGRAM PARTICIPATION: EVIDENCE FROM THE NLSY,INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC REVIEW, Issue 4 2009Hanming Fang We empirically implement a dynamic structural model of labor supply and welfare program participation for agents with potentially time-inconsistent preferences. Using panel data on the choices of single women with children from the National Longitudinal Surveys (NLSY) 1979, we provide estimates of the degree of time-inconsistency, and of its influence on the welfare take-up decision. With these estimates, we conduct counterfactual experiments to quantify a measure of the utility loss stemming from the inability to commit to future decisions, and the potential gains from commitment mechanisms such as welfare time limits and work requirements. [source] Trauma and amputations in 19th century miners from Kimberley, South AfricaINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF OSTEOARCHAEOLOGY, Issue 3 2010A. E. Van der Merwe Abstract Trauma is the result of violent accidental or therapeutic events that cause physical or psychological injury. The frequencies and types of trauma within a population can give important information regarding their lifestyle as well as the quantity and quality of medical care available to them. The purpose of this study was to assess the incidence of trauma in the Gladstone sample population with regards to the presence of interpersonal violence a hazardous working environment strenuous working requirements and the availability of medical care. The individuals studied here were diamond miners from Kimberley dating to the late 19th century. A total of 107 well-preserved skeletons were excavated from unmarked graves after accidental discovery. This sample included 86 males 15 females and 6 individuals of unknown sex. The majority of individuals (71%) were between 19 and 45 years of age. The remains were most likely those of migrant mine workers of low socioeconomic status who had passed away at the local hospitals. All bones were visually assessed for macroscopic indications of traumatic bone alterations and compared to standard palaeopathological texts and photographs. A total of 27% (n,=,28) of the individuals in the sample presented with well-healed healing or perimortem fractures. Fractures to the skull encompassed 49% (n,=,20) of all the fractures that were observed. A total of six (6%) amputations were noted. Spondylolysis was observed in 7% (n,=,7) of the individuals within the sample and longstanding subluxation was noted in two individuals. The high incidences of cranial fractures within this population are suggestive of high levels of interpersonal violence while long bone fractures spondylolysis and evidence of longstanding subluxations are indicative of the strenuous work requirements and the high-risk environment to which these individuals were exposed. When considering the presence of well-reduced fractures and healed amputations it seems that adequate medical care was available to at least some members of this community. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. This article was published online on 17 February 2009. An error was subsequently identified. This notice is included in the online and print versions to indicate that both have been corrected 3 November 2009. [source] Welfare, Work Requirements, and Dependant-CareJOURNAL OF APPLIED PHILOSOPHY, Issue 3 2004Elizabeth Anderson abstract This article considers the justice of requiring employment as a condition of receiving public assistance. While none of the main theories of justice prohibits work requirements, the arguments in their favour are weak. Arguments based on reciprocity fail to explain why only means-tested public benefits should be subject to work requirements, and why unpaid dependant care work should not count as satisfying citizens' obligations to reciprocate. Arguments based on promoting the work ethic misattribute recipients' nonwork to deviant values, when their core problem is finding steady employment consistent with supporting a family and meeting dependant care responsibilities. Rigid work requirements impose unreasonable costs on some of the poor. A welfare system based on a rebuttable presumption that recipients will work for pay, conjoined with more generous work supports, would promote justice better than either unconditional welfare or strict requirements [1]. [source] Work Requirements and Long-Term PovertyJOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMIC THEORY, Issue 3 2005FRED SCHROYEN We study how work requirements can be used to target transfers to the long-term poor. Without commitment, time consistency requires all screening measures to be concentrated in the first phase of the program. We show that this increases the effectiveness of workfare; it is optimal to use work requirements for a wider range of prior beliefs about the size of the poor population, and work requirements are used more intensively. We compare these results with the optimal policy under commitment. [source] Scaling up CBOs for second-order devolution in welfare reformNONPROFIT MANAGEMENT & LEADERSHIP, Issue 4 2003Dennis L. Poole The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996 created a paradigm shift in the financing, organization, and delivery of welfare programs in the United States. The act shifted revenue and authority to states, giving them great discretion to determine the specifics of their programs. First-order devolution, combined with time limits and work requirements, set in motion a chain of events that moved Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) recipients into the labor force and off state welfare rolls. Second-order devolution shifted revenue and authority to community-based organizations (CBOs) to help former recipients remain employed, advance to higher paying jobs, and move their families toward economic self-sufficiency. Early findings from project innovations in Texas and other states raise doubts about the capacity of these organizations to achieve these goals. State funders will need to provide ongoing technical assistance and support to "scale up" the capacity of CBOs to plan, implement, and manage local innovations in welfare reform. [source] | ||||||||||