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White House (white + house)
Selected AbstractsThe "strong leadership" of George W. BushINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF APPLIED PSYCHOANALYTIC STUDIES, Issue 3 2008Fred I. Greenstein Abstract This paper further explores the phenomenon of the "strong leader" by presenting an account of President George W. Bush, whose early conduct in the White House seemed far from strong, but who rose to the challenge of the terrorist attacks on the US of September 11, 2001 and began to preside with authority and assertiveness over an administration that went to great lengths to put its stamp on the national and international policy agendas, but was intensely controversial in the policies it advanced. The paper provides a three dimensional account of Bush, reviewing his early years, political rise and presidential performance, and then analyzes his leadership style in terms of six criteria that have proven useful for characterizing and assessing earlier chief executives , emotional intelligence, cognitive style, effectiveness as a public communicator, organizational capacity, political skill, and the extent to which the president is guided by a realistic policy vision. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Presidents as Supreme Court Advocates: Before and After the White HouseJOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 2 2003Allen Sharp Eight men who took the presidential oath also appeared before the Supreme Court of the United States as advocates. From Senator John Quincy Adams at the outset of the Marshall Court to Richard M. Nixon during the high-water mark of the Warren Court, future and past Presidents have argued before the Supreme Court on such varied and important topics as land scandals in the South, slavery at home and on the high seas, the authority of military commissions over civilians during the Civil War, international disputes as an aftermath of the Alaskan Purchase, and the sensitive intersection between the right to personal privacy and a free press. Here, briefly, are stories of men history knows as Presidents performing as appellate lawyers and oral advocates before the nation's highest court. [source] US braces itself for gasoline and diesel shortagesOIL AND ENERGY TRENDS, Issue 3 2006Article first published online: 9 MAR 200 New fuel regulations that are progressively being introduced in the US from the beginning of this year are likely to lead to radical changes in the gasoline and diesel fuel markets. The main change for gasoline is the replacement of methyl tertiary butyl ether (MTBE) by ethanol, whilst for diesel the principal development is the reduction in the permitted sulphur content. A shortage of the new fuels could increase price volatility and drive up prices. This is not a pleasant prospect for the White House, already under criticism for another energy plan: to cut imports of crude oil from the Middle East. [source] Reform, Reorganization, and the Renaissance of the Managerial Presidency: The Impact of 9/11 on the Executive EstablishmentPOLITICS & POLICY, Issue 2 2006Richard S. Conley In the wake of 9/11, realigning the human and financial resources of the executive branch to fight the war on terrorism quickly became the defining mission of George W. Bush's transformed presidency. This article assesses the ways in which 9/11 impacted on the executive branch of the U.S. government, using a framework of "punctuated equilibrium" to posit that the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington added considerable force to trends already in motion. September 11 proved a catalyst for significant institutional changes, such as the enhanced role of the vice president in policy making and the reorganization of the federal government and intelligence apparatus. Organizational reforms, driven in a top-down fashion by the White House, reflect President Bush's confidence in the managerial presidency: the notion that preventing future terror threats is effectively a problem of executive control, bureaucratic coordination, and adequate funding. [source] Overcoming One-Party Dominance: How Contextual Politics and West Virginia Helped Put George Bush in the White HousePOLITICS & POLICY, Issue 3 2003Lawrence Grossback In West Virginia it is often said that coal is king. If so, the Democratic Party and organized labor serve as its princess. West Virginia had voted Republican in presidential contests on only three occasions since 1932. If there ever was a one-party state, West Virginia was it. Yet in 2000, Republican George Bush won the state, thus securing five electoral votes,one more than his eventual margin of victory. This article looks at how this victory came about in light of scholarly questions about how national campaigns select issues on which to campaign in targeted states and how a dominant party can be overcome through such efforts. We propose an answer to these questions that is rooted in the contextual theory of electoral politics and test this theory against qualitative data taken from local and national media and quantitative data in the form of county level election returns. [source] The Law: Presidential Aides: Immunity from Congressional Process?PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2009TODD B. TATELMAN The congressional investigation into the forced resignations of several U.S. attorneys and the subsequent civil lawsuit by Congress against the president has heightened interest in the doctrine of separation of powers. When the involvement of high-ranking presidential aides became apparent, the White House responded not only by claiming executive privilege, but also by asserting that the aides were immune from compulsory process and were not required to comply with congressional subpoenas. The declaration represents an attempt to expand the notion of executive privilege from qualified to absolute. Such an expansion is not consistent with either historical practice or the prevailing judicial understanding of executive privilege and the separation of powers. [source] Institutional Change and the Dynamics of Vice Presidential SelectionPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2008MARK HILLER The influence of the vice presidency has expanded dramatically in recent years, yet scholars know surprisingly little about how presidential nominees choose their running mates and how the selection process has changed over time. This study argues that the confluence of two events,the McGovern-Fraser reforms of the early 1970s and the exogenous shock of George McGovern's ill-fated selection of Thomas Eagleton as his running mate in 1972,changed the factors driving running mate selection. Specifically, in the post-1972 era, presidential nominees have looked less to traditional incentives such as ticket balancing and more toward governing experience to help them in the general election and, if they succeed, in the White House. We test a model with empirical data from 1940 to 2004. [source] Lyndon Johnson, Community Action, and Management of the Administrative StatePRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2001RICHARD M. FLANAGAN The Community Action Program (CAP) was one of the highest-profile but least successful of President Johnson's Great Society programs. Pluralist and neo-Marxist theories hold that the origins of CAP and the problems that the program encountered were rooted in the politics of interest group and racial conflict, respectively. Drawing on archival evidence, this article turns attention to the important, yet forgotten, administrative dimension of CAP. The decentralized features of CAP were developed as a strategy to manage the federal bureaucracy and avoid conflict with Congress. Ultimately, CAP floundered as the decentralized control of the program freed it from the political control of the White House. The article concludes with a discussion of the problems presidents face in managing the federal bureaucracy and how the development of CAP reflects Johnson's management style in enacting domestic policy goals. [source] The Office of CommunicationsPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2001MARTHA JOYNT KUMAR The Office of Communications is front and center in the White House effort to publicize the president and his policies. The importance of presidential communications can be seen in the manner in which the topic drives the agenda of daily staff meetings, the size of the commitment to it of White House and administration resources and people, and the way the function has insinuated itself into the operations of almost every White House office. While most White House offices are defined by the functions that come with the unit, the communications director's position is defined by his or her relationships with officials working inside and outside of the White House, including the president, the chief of staff, the press secretary, and officials in departments and agencies. There are three basic models for communications directors as they manage their operations: advocate with the press, strategist and planner, and events coordinator. At its minimum, the job entails events management, but its larger role is defining the message and strategic plan of a presidency. [source] The Little State Department: McGeorge Bundy and the National Security Council Staff, 1961-65PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2001ANDREW PRESTON This article examines the alteration of the role, prerogatives, and power of the special assistant to the president for national security affairs, a position more commonly known as the national security adviser. Presidents Truman and Eisenhower conceived of and shaped the National Security Council(NSC) and its staff to be administrative in their responsibilities and character. Under President Kennedy, McGeorge Bundy utterly changed this, concentrating power and decision-making authority in the hands of the special assistant and his NSC staff at the White House. From 1961, the special assistant and NSC staff ceased to be administrators and became policy formulators actively engaged in the policy-making process. This transformation occurred largely at the expense of the State Department and had profound consequences for American foreign policy, particularly toward the conflict in Vietnam. [source] The Presidency and the Political EnvironmentPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2001JOHN H. KESSEL For a White House staff to be successful, it must adapt to the work style of its own president and to the needs of the external institutions with which the president has continuing relations. This dual adaptation allows the staff to stabilize the White House in a stormy political environment. Examples are given of adaptations to the work styles of Presidents Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush, and Clinton. Examples are also provided of adaptations to the needs of Congress, the press, and those engaged in foreign policy, economics, domestic policy, and the law. The requirements of understanding various professional vocabularies and coordinating staff units are noted. [source] The White House As City Hall: A Tough Place to OrganizePRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2001MARTHA JOYNT KUMAR The White House is unlike any other organization as there are few records left behind by those having the building and none of the core White House staff who remain once a President leaves. At the same time, the new team is responsible from day one for making informed and appropriate decisions. There is little preparation that can provide people with an understanding of what they are to meet once they come into office, but there are ways in which a new staff can take advantage of the knowledge of those who precede them. They can speak with their predecessors, talk with people who work at the Office of Management and Budget, and learn from the executive clerk and others at the White House who provide an institutional memory of their own. [source] Gauging Public Opinion in the Hoover White House: Understanding the Roots of Presidential PollingPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2000ROBERT M. EISINGER Contemporary research often ignores early presidential attempts to measure public opinion, focusing instead on the use of polls by modern presidents. The Hoover presidency precedes the invention of modern surveys and provides a rich theoretical and empirical context for analyzing the early institutionalization of political polling. President Herbert Hoover sought to assess public opinion independent of his party and Congress, in large part because of the contentious relations these institutions shared with his administration. He did so under the guise of scientific legitimacy,quantifying newspaper editorials and undertaking a scholarly survey of American life. Although he was not the first president to use media reports to measure public opinion, Hoover's systematic quantification marks a significant change in how presidents assessed citizens' views and used those assessments to gain power and independence with respect to Congress and political parties. [source] Public Opinion and the Contradictions of Jimmy Carter's Foreign PolicyPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2000ANDREW Z. KATZ President Jimmy Carter's failure to achieve popular support for his foreign policy is commonly attributed to his disregard of public opinion. The author evaluates this perception by examining the Carter administration's use of polls in the areas of human rights and U.S.-Soviet relations. Archival material confirms that Carter did not ignore public opinion; rather, his polling operation did not provide the White House with a complete and objective portrait of public attitudes. Carter's team assumed that public opinion on foreign policy was malleable and lacked structure. Thus, no effort was made to determine whether the contradictions pollsters found on the surface were actually held together by an underlying structure. Therefore, the Carter White House had neither an accurate gauge of public attitudes nor an understanding of those attitudes sufficient to build support for its policies. [source] Fiscal Policy and Presidential Elections: Update and ExtensionPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2000ALFRED G. CUZÁN This article updates, deepens, and extends previous articles published in this journal on the relation between fiscal policy and presidential elections. It presents evidence that is consistent with the view that voters reward fiscal frugality and punish fiscal expansion. The relationship is robust with respect to economic conditions, presidential incumbency, number of consecutive terms in the White House by presidents of the same party, and war. An intriguing finding is that, when fiscal policy is controlled for, incumbency advantage practically disappears. It is hoped that these findings will stimulate more political scientists, especially students of the presidency, to pay more attention to the role of fiscal policy in presidential elections. [source] The Presidency, the Bureaucracy, and Reinvention: A Gentle Plea for Chaos1PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2000DAVID LOWERY The relative influences of the unique and traditional elements of the Clinton-Gore National Performance Review (NPR) episode of bureaucratic reform are examined here as a means of exploring the underlying dynamics of executive-bureaucratic relationships. The first section of the article outlines the reinvention theory underlying NPR. This is followed by an analysis of how NPR deviated from that theory. The third section of the article considers what reforms might have been proposed by NPR had it taken reinvention theory more seriously. And fourth, the author discusses the deeper problems of presidential implementation of any reform not founded on enhanced hierarchical control of the bureaucracy by the White House. Finally, a unidirectional cycle of presidential reform is described, a cycle that seems impervious to and unconnected with scholarly work on management. [source] RAS Fellow visits the White HouseASTRONOMY & GEOPHYSICS, Issue 2 2010Article first published online: 22 MAR 2010 An IYA2009 star party took a Fellow of the RAS to the White House in Washington DC in October last year. [source] Community life as a motive for migration from the urban center to the rural periphery in IsraelJOURNAL OF COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2010Sara Arnon A white house topped by a red roof, set in a garden, surrounded by a lawn dotted with trees and shrubs,this is not just a child's naive drawing. It is the aspiration of many in the modern world, Israelis among them. This case study deals with the inner migration of families, mainly from the urban center of Israel, to rural communities in its northern periphery. It is also an opportunity to examine counter-urbanization characteristics and motivations, which contribute to our understanding of the role of community in this process. © 2010 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. [source] | |||||||||||||