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Votes
Kinds of Votes Terms modified by Votes Selected AbstractsALTERNATIVE VOTE: THE PROSPECTS FOR LIBERTYECONOMIC AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2010John Meadowcroft No abstract is available for this article. [source] Pacifists, Patriots and the Vote: The Erosion of Democratic Suffragism in Britain during the First World War By Jo VellacottHISTORY, Issue 312 2008KEITH LAYBOURN No abstract is available for this article. [source] Your Country Needs You, To Vote!NURSING FOR WOMENS HEALTH, Issue 5 2004Anne Katz RN, PhD editor No abstract is available for this article. [source] Electoral Reform: A Vote for Change?POLITICAL INSIGHT, Issue 2 2010Simon Hix The Con,Lib coalition has put voting reform firmly on the agenda but will this really change how the House of Commons and the House of Lords work?Simon Hix, Ron Johnston and Iain McLean explore the proposed reforms and predict their likely impact on the British political scene. [source] The Consolidation of the White Southern Congressional Vote: The Roles of Ideology and Party IdentificationPOLITICS & POLICY, Issue 3 2008Kenneth A. Wink This article examines the effects of party identification and ideology on white southerners' vote choices in U.S. House races from 1980 to 1994. Using American National Election Studies data, we employ descriptive statistics and a variety of regression techniques to test these relationships. We find party identification was more important in explaining vote choice in the election of 1994 than in previous years, and a majority of white southerners first identified with Republicans in 1994. We also find ideology had an independent effect on party identification for white southerners throughout the time series. We conclude that increasingly class-based, ideologically polarized parties, opposition to President Clinton and his health care plan, the success of the Republicans in framing the election as a national ideological struggle, and race-based redistricting after 1990 created a tendency of conservative white southerners to identify with Republicans and to vote for Republican House candidates in 1994. [source] Cue Voting: Which Women Vote for Women Senate Candidates?POLITICS & POLICY, Issue 2 2003Stephen J. Stambough This article explores the effects of candidate gender on individual voting behavior. We investigate whether female candidates attract support from female voters based on their gender. Our research centers around three areas. First, we discuss cue theory and how it applies to gender studies. Second, we investigate the 19 Senate elections from 1988-92 in which one of the major party candidates was a female. Finally, we examine the potential impact of partisanship and seat status,whether an incumbent ran or whether there was an open seat,on voting for female candidates. We find that seat status is important and that gender cue voting is a factor only among Republican voters, especially male Republicans. [source] Requiem for a Lightweight: Vice Presidential Candidate Evaluations and the Presidential VotePRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2001DAVID W. ROMERO Presidential election scholars have recently begun to explore whether vice presidential nominees have a meaningful influence on the presidential vote. Their findings are in conflict. Aggregate-level analyses find little support for the hypothesis that vice presidential candidates bring their ticket any regional or home state advantage. Individual-level analyses, on the other hand, find that vice presidential nominees have a surprisingly powerful influence on the typical voter's vote for president. These conflicting findings suggest that either aggregate-level results underestimate vice presidential nominees' influence on the vote or that individual-level results overestimate vice presidential nominees' influence on the vote. The author assumes it is the latter. Based on this assumption, the author reexamines whether vice presidential candidates influence the individual vote for president. Once rationalization affects are controlled, it is found that vice presidential candidates have no influence on the voters' choice for president. [source] Party Strength, the Personal Vote, and Government SpendingAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 2 2010David M. Primo "Strong" political parties within legislatures are one possible solution to the problem of inefficient universalism, a norm under which all legislators seek large projects for their districts that are paid for out of a common pool. We demonstrate that even if parties have no role in the legislature, their role in elections can be sufficient to reduce spending. If parties in the electorate are strong, then legislators will demand less distributive spending because of a decreased incentive to secure a "personal vote" via local projects. We estimate that spending in states with strong party organizations is at least 4% smaller than in states where parties are weak. We also find evidence that strong party states receive less federal aid than states with weak organizations, and we theorize that this is because members of Congress from strong party states feel less compelled to secure aid than members from weak party states. [source] Don't Forget to Vote: Text Message Reminders as a Mobilization ToolAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2009Allison Dale Current explanations of effective voter mobilization strategies maintain that turnout increases only when a potential voter is persuaded to participate through increased social connectedness. The connectedness explanation does not take into account, however, that registered voters, by registering, have already signaled their interest in voting. The theory presented in this article predicts that impersonal, noticeable,messages can succeed in increasing the likelihood that a registered voter will turn out by reminding the recipient that Election Day is approaching. Text messaging is examined as an example of an impersonal, noticeable communication to potential voters. A nationwide field experiment (n = 8,053) in the 2006 election finds that text message reminders produce a statistically significant 3.0 percentage point increase in the likelihood of voting. While increasing social connectedness has been shown to positively affect voter turnout, the results of this study, in combination with empirical evidence from prior studies, suggest that connectedness is not a necessary condition for a successful mobilization campaign. For certain voters, a noticeable reminder is sufficient to drive them to the polls. [source] Contextual Factors and the Extreme Right Vote in Western Europe, 1980,2002AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 2 2009Kai Arzheimer Research on the voters of the extreme right in Western Europe has become a minor industry, but relatively little attention has been paid to the twin question of why support for these parties is often unstable, and why the extreme right is so weak in many countries. Moreover, the findings from different studies often contradict each other. This article aims at providing a more comprehensive and satisfactory answer to this research problem by employing a broader database and a more adequate modeling strategy. The main finding is that while immigration and unemployment rates are important, their interaction with other political factors is much more complex than suggested by previous research. Moreover, persistent country effects prevail even if a whole host of individual and contextual variables is controlled for. [source] Who Is Mobilized to Vote?AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 1 2009A Re-Analysis of 11 Field Experiments Many political observers view get-out-the-vote (GOTV) mobilization drives as a way to increase turnout among chronic nonvoters. However, such a strategy assumes that GOTV efforts are effective at increasing turnout in this population, and the extant research offers contradictory evidence regarding the empirical validity of this assumption. We propose a model where only those citizens whose propensity to vote is near the indifference threshold are mobilized to vote and the threshold is determined by the general interest in the election. Our three-parameter model reconciles prior inconsistent empirical results and argues that low-propensity voters can be effectively mobilized only in high-turnout elections. The model is tested on 11 randomized face-to-face voter mobilization field experiments in which we specifically analyze whether subjects' baseline propensity to vote conditions the effectiveness of door-to-door GOTV canvassing. The evidence is consistent with the model and suggests that face-to-face mobilization is better at stimulating turnout among low-propensity voters in prominent elections than it is in quiescent ones. [source] The Variable Incumbency Advantage: New Voters, Redistricting, and the Personal VoteAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 1 2003Scott W. Desposato In this article we explore the personal vote costs of redistricting. After redistricting, incumbents often face significant numbers of new voters,voters that were previously in a different incumbent's district. Existing conceptualizations of the incumbency advantage suggest that the cost to incumbents of having new voters should be relatively small and predictable. We propose a different formulation: a variable incumbency advantage. We argue that any incumbency advantage among the electorate is a function of short-term effects, partisanship, and electoral saliency. We use a massive untapped dataset of neighborhood-level electoral data to test our model and to demonstrate how the intersection of the personal vote, redistricting, and short-term environmental variables can provide a healthy margin to incumbents,or end their careers. [source] Implicit Race Attitudes Predicted Vote in the 2008 U.S. Presidential ElectionANALYSES OF SOCIAL ISSUES & PUBLIC POLICY, Issue 1 2009Anthony G. Greenwald In the week before the 2008 United States presidential election, 1,057 registered voters reported their choice between the principal contenders (John McCain and Barack Obama) and completed several measures that might predict their candidate preference, including two implicit and two self-report measures of racial preference for European Americans (Whites) relative to African Americans (Blacks) and measures of symbolic racism and political conservatism. Greater White preference on each of the four race attitude measures predicted intention to vote for McCain, the White candidate. The implicit race attitude measures (Implicit Association Test and Affect Misattribution Procedure) predicted vote choice independently of the self-report race attitude measures, and also independently of political conservatism and symbolic racism. These findings support construct validity of the implicit measures. [source] Is it Rational to Vote?BRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 3 2005Five Types of Answer, a Suggestion First page of article [source] KENYA: Constitution Voted InAFRICA RESEARCH BULLETIN: POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL SERIES, Issue 8 2010Article first published online: 20 SEP 2010 First page of article [source] How Bedfordshire Voted, 1685,1735: The Evidence of Local Poll Books.PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2 2008Edited by James Collett-White, Volume I: 168 No abstract is available for this article. [source] Front and Back Covers, Volume 24, Number 2.ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY, Issue 2 2008April 200 Front cover and back cover caption, volume 24 issue 2 Front cover Front cover: Front cover The front cover of this issue illustrates Peter Loizois' article on the work of filmmaker Robert Gardner. The Hamar woman in the photo bears marks of whipping, a subject which raised the first divisions between Gardner and anthropologists Ivo Strecker and Jean Lydall, as Gardner was inclined to see the practice as a facet of female subordination and male cruelty. The Streckers, after many years of research, took a different view, which can be grasped in Jean Lydall's article ,Beating around the bush' (see http://www.uni-mainz.de/organisationen/SORC/fileadmin/texte/lydall/Beating) Gardner makes clear his feelings in this note, highlighted in his book The impulse to preserve: ,Editing the Rivers of sand imagery made a huge impression on me. I kept being reminded that I especially disliked Hamar man and I don't think I would have felt differently had there been no Women's Movement. I don't see how anyone can escape feeling the same way once they see the film. It was a painful life for both sexes. So why not say so? I don't think anthropology is doing its job by being value free. I do think it should accept responsibility to look for larger truths.' (Robert Gardner 2006, The impulse to preserve: Reflections of a filmmaker, New York: Other Press, p. 158) Back cover Back cover: UN DECLARATION ON THE RIGHTS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES The back cover illustrates Paul Oldham and Miriam Anne Frank's article in this issue on the adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Declaration sets the minimum international standards for the promotion and protection of indigenous peoples' rights. The display boards capture the historic moment on 13 September 2007, when UN member states overwhelmingly supported the adoption of the Declaration at the General Assembly's 61st session. Votes in favour of the Declaration are shown in green (143 + 1 not shown), abstentions in orange (11) and votes against in red (4). With the exception of Montenegro, whose vote in favour did not register on screen, absent or non-voting states are blank. Such overwhelming support within the General Assembly was by no means guaranteed , it was the outcome of lengthy and delicate behind-the-scenes negotiations. Expectations that the Declaration would be adopted in December 2006 were dashed when the African Group of countries blocked it, claiming that, despite 23 years of negotiations, more time was needed for consultation. In the ensuing period, Mexico, Peru and Guatemala, as co-sponsors of the Declaration, took the lead in negotiating an agreement with the African Group that they would support a Declaration with three main amendments, and would block other amendments or delays put forward by Australia, Canada, the US and New Zealand. The co-sponsors then sought agreement to this amended Declaration from the Global Indigenous Peoples' Caucus, who engaged in their own worldwide consultation process with indigenous peoples' organizations. The outcome remained uncertain, however, until these giant screens in the UN General Assembly Hall finally flashed green, to spontaneous applause from the delegates and their supporters. Since anthropologists work with indigenous peoples worldwide, this historic vote raises the challenge of how they, individually and as a discipline, position themselves in relation to the new Declaration. [source] Uncounted Votes: Informal Voting in the House of Representatives as a Marker of Political Exclusion in AustraliaAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 1 2009Sally Young This article examines the implications of high levels of informal (or invalid) voting in Australian national elections using a social exclusion framework. The rate of the informal vote is an indicator of social and political exclusion with particular groups of Australians experiencing inordinate electoral disadvantage. Poorer voters, voters from non-English speaking backgrounds and those with low education levels are especially disadvantaged by factors peculiar to the Australian voting experience. We begin by exploring the character and pattern of informal voting and then canvass the technical and socio-economic factors which explain it. We conclude by considering proposed options for reducing informality, some of which are: the abandonment of compulsory voting, major structural change to the voting system as well as ballot re-design, electoral education and community information initiatives. [source] Forecasting Seats from Votes in British General ElectionsBRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2005Paul F. Whiteley This article develops a forecasting model of seat shares in the House of Commons applied to general election outcomes. The model utilises past information about party seat shares, together with data from the polls gathered prior to the election, to forecast the number of seats won by the parties. Once it has been estimated the model will be used to make a forecast of the outcome of a possible general election in May 2005. The article starts by focusing on research into translating votes into seats, or the cube rule and its modifications. It then goes on to develop the forecasting model, which is based on electoral and poll data from 1945 to 2001. [source] Rebel girls: their fight for the vote , Jill LiddingtonECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 1 2007Harold L. Smith No abstract is available for this article. [source] CAFTA, CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS, AND THE ROLE OF SPECIAL INTERESTSECONOMICS & POLITICS, Issue 3 2010JAMES M. DEVAULT This paper analyzes the passage of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) in 2005, paying particular attention to the role of campaign contributions. The CAFTA vote is significant in that the context in which it occurred was one in which campaign contributions were more likely to influence votes. By more carefully identifying the special interest groups actively involved in the CAFTA debate, I provide a more accurate assessment of the impact of the contributions made by these groups. I use instrumental variables to control for the potential endogeneity of campaign contributions and find that these contributions played at best a secondary role in determining the outcome of the CAFTA vote in the U.S. House of Representatives. [source] DOES THE ECONOMY MATTER?ECONOMICS & POLITICS, Issue 2 2005AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CAUSAL CHAIN CONNECTING THE ECONOMY AND THE VOTE IN GALICIA In this paper the causal chain connecting the economy and the vote in 2001 Galician regional elections is analyzed. Our findings demonstrate that economic voting is not just a matter of reactions to economic perceptions. It also depends to a great extent on two intermediate mechanisms: whether or not the incumbent is held responsible for economic outcomes and performance and voters' views of the relative economic management capabilities of opposition parties. [source] IS EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY POLITICALLY FEASIBLE?ECONOMICS & POLITICS, Issue 1 2005Stefan Zink We develop a political-economy model where the amount of education subsidies is determined in a majority vote and spending is financed by revenues from taxation. Our analysis demonstrates that limiting the extent of subsidization and thus excluding the poor from gaining enough education can be a political equilibrium. Despite being the main beneficiaries of subsidies, the politically decisive middle class hesitates to extend monetary benefits, since improved access to higher education diminishes the return to education. Moreover, a non-monotone relation between inequality and the extent of redistribution through tax-financed educational subsidies obtains. [source] Should I stay or should I go?EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 5 2008An experimental study on voter responses to pre-electoral coalitions Party elites, however, do not know how voters will respond to the coalition formation at the polls. In this article, the authors report on an experimental study among 1,255 Belgian students. In order to study voter responses to the formation of PECs, respondents were presented with two ballots: one with individual parties (party vote condition) and one with coalitions (coalition vote condition). The aim of this experiment is to predict under what conditions party supporters will follow their initially preferred party into the coalition and vote for the PEC, and under what conditions they would desert the PEC at the polls. The decision whether to follow the coalition or not can be traced back to four considerations: dislike of the coalition partner; ideological congruence between coalition partners; size of the initially preferred party; and being attracted to a specific high-profile candidate. (Dis)liking the coalition partner is independent from the ideological congruence between the two coalition partners. The study's results also show support for an adjustment effect, as respondents became more loyal toward cartels over the course of the 2003,2005 observation period. [source] Political opportunity structures and right-wing extremist party successEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2006KAI ARZHEIMER West European right-wing extremist parties have received a great deal of attention over the past two decades due to their electoral success. What has received less coverage, however, is the fact that these parties have not enjoyed a consistent level of electoral support across Western Europe during this period. This article puts forward an explanation of the variation in the right-wing extremist party vote across Western Europe that incorporates a wider range of factors than have been considered previously. It begins by examining the impact of socio-demographic variables on the right-wing extremist party vote. Then, it turns its attention to a whole host of structural factors that may potentially affect the extreme right party vote, including institutional, party-system and conjunctural variables. The article concludes with an assessment of which variables have the most power in explaining the uneven electoral success of right-wing extremist parties across Western Europe. The findings go some way towards challenging the conventional wisdom as to how the advance of the parties of the extreme right may be halted. [source] The extent of dissent: The effect of group composition and size on Israeli decisions to confront low intensity conflictEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2002Ranan D. Kuperman This article tests a number of hypotheses about foreign policy decision making within parliamentary democracies. First it explores the origins of debates among decision-makers. Are deliberations provoked by alternative organizational perspectives or by conflicting ideological orientations? Second, it asks how debates are resolved. On the one hand, it has been suggested that, because each minister has an equal vote, a compromise between decision-makers must be reached. On the other hand, it has been argued that the Prime Minister exerts considerable control and power in foreign policy matters in relation to other decision-makers. These questions were studied with the aid of data collected from a sample of 97 decision episodes between 1949 and 1982, where the Israeli government discussed how to respond to low-intensity aggression against Israeli citizens and soldiers. The results of this research demonstrate that internal debates are poorly associated with organizational or political diversity. Instead group size seems to be more important, although the relationship is not linear. In any case, the discussions usually concluded in a consensus around the Prime Minister's policy of choice, thus indicating that he or she is the paramount decision-maker. [source] Goethe, His Duke and Infanticide: New Documents and Reflections on a Controversial ExecutionGERMAN LIFE AND LETTERS, Issue 1 2008W. Daniel Wilson ABSTRACT It has been known since the 1930s that in 1783 Goethe cast his vote as a member of the governing Privy Council (,Geheimes Consilium') of Saxe-Weimar to retain the death penalty for infanticide. This decision, which followed a request by Duke Carl August for his councillors' advice on the matter, has moved to the centre of controversies over the political Goethe, since it meant that Johanna Höhn of Tannroda, who had been convicted of infanticide, was subsequently executed. The issue draws its special poignancy from Goethe's empathetic portrayal of the infanticide committed by Margarete in the earliest known version of Faust. The simultaneous publication in 2004 of two editions documenting the wider issue of infanticide and other crimes relating to sexual morality in Saxe-Weimar has re-ignited the controversy. The present article reexamines the issues, presenting new evidence that establishes the discourse on the question of the death penalty for infanticide in books that Duke Carl August and Goethe purchased, and presents the script of the public trial re-enactment (,Halsgericht') on the market square in Weimar directly preceding the execution. It concludes that this discourse ran heavily against the death penalty, and it counters attempts in recent scholarship to draw attention away from the Höhn execution. [source] The ,Halsgericht' for the Execution of Johanna Höhn in Weimar, 28 November 1783GERMAN LIFE AND LETTERS, Issue 1 2008W. Daniel Wilson ABSTRACT This previously unpublished document, found in the papers of the Weimar publisher, industrialist and court official F. J. Bertuch, represents the script for the public ceremony preceding the execution of the infanticide Johanna Catharina Höhn. Since Goethe, as a member of the powerful ,Geheimes Consilium' of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach, had recently cast his vote to retain the death penalty for execution, the script has some significance for an evaluation of his administrative activities and his political ethos. The execution took place against a background of tension concerning its legitimacy at a time when the punishment of women who had committed infanticide was hotly contested. [source] The Breakthrough of Another West European Populist Radical Right Party?GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 4 2010The Case of the True Finns The True Finn Party (PS), which gained virtually 10 per cent of the national vote at the 2009 European Parliament election, lacks a place in the comparative party literature and also defies ready classification. It has been perceived by its supporters as the most left-wing of the non-socialist parties; by Finnish media commentators as a case of right-wing populism; and by researchers as a distinctive centred-based populist party when viewed in a wider European perspective. Based on a careful study of its programmatic output since its inception in 1995, this article seeks to characterize the PS by reference to its core ideological features. It argues that it is in fact a populist radical right party , with national identity or Finnishness as its pivotal concept , albeit without the xenophobic extremism of such continental counterparts as the Danish People's Party or Austrian Freedom Party. [source] Which Candidate Selection Method is the Most Democratic?1GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 1 2009Gideon Rahat This article suggests guidelines for identifying the ramifications of central elements of candidate selection methods for various democratic dimensions , participation, competition, representation and responsiveness , and analyses their possible role in supplying checks and balances. It proposes employing a three-stage candidate selection method: in the first stage a small committee appoints candidates to a shortlist; in the second stage a selected party agency may add or remove candidates using a special procedure (absolute majority vote, for example) and also ratify the re-adoption of incumbent candidates; and, finally, party members select candidates for safe seats or safe list positions among the proposed candidates. The article also recommends employing moderate requirements for candidacy; the use of a non-majoritarian voting method; and allowing the national centre a say in candidate selection. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||