Home About us Contact
|
Home About us Contact | ||
|
|
||
Urban Fringe (urban + fringe)
Selected AbstractsSHADOWS OF PLANNING: ON LANDSCAPE/PLANNING HISTORY AND INHERITED LANDSCAPE AMBIGUITIES AT THE URBAN FRINGEGEOGRAFISKA ANNALER SERIES B: HUMAN GEOGRAPHY, Issue 3 2010Mattias Qviström ABSTRACT. The history of vernacular landscapes at the urban fringe is poorly studied, limiting our understanding of the contemporary character of the fringe and our knowledge of the urbanization process. This article argues the necessity of a combined analysis of the legacies of planning and the footprints of former landscape ideals in order to understand the conditions for spatial planning at the urban fringe. After first introducing the methodological use of landscape/planning history, the article focuses on the Swedish discourse on landscape change and landscape planning concerning the urban fringe in the 1930s. Particular focus is placed on the discourse on agricultural landscapes at the urban fringe. The third section of the article presents an examination of the footprints of the ,landscape convention' (i.e. an agreement on the meaning of landscape in relation to law and justice) resulting from the landscape discourse of the 1930s. The article argues that the legacy of the 1930s explains some of the difficulties arising when planners of today aim to utilize the farm landscape as a resource for recreation at the urban fringe. The shadow of the landscape discourse of the 1930s also creates difficulties in dealing with peri-urban landscapes in Swedish planning and Swedish law. With the ongoing discourse on how to implement the European Landscape Convention, such knowledge is particularly useful. [source] LAND-USE DYNAMICS BEYOND THE AMERICAN URBAN FRINGE,GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW, Issue 3 2001DAVID M. THEOBALD ABSTRACT. A deficiency common to both the historical debates over loss of agricultural land and the current discussions of urbanization and sprawl is a limited understanding of land-use dynamics beyond the urban fringe. Data aggregated at the county level poorly capture the fine-grained pattern of land-use change beyond the dynamic urban-rural interface. Furthermore, current urban-based definitions are poorly suited to delineate these areas, and low-density, exurban land use is difficult to measure using existing land-cover databases. Urbanization and the conversion of once-agricultural or other natural resource lands to other uses has traditionally been tracked using urban areas, as delimited in the U.S. census. Urban densities are typically defined as areas with more than 1,000 people per square mile, or 1.6 people per acre (U.S. Census Bureau 2000). Assuming an average of 2.5 people per housing unit, this translates to roughly 0.7 units per acre, or approximately 1 unit per 1.6 acres. The analytical units used in the census, however, both overbound and underbound areas with urban densities. About one-third of urban areas in 1990 comprised lower-than-urban housing density, thanks to overbounding. But, then, one-third of locations that had urban-level housing densities failed to be included in urban areas as a result of underbounding, which, if counted, would have constituted another 18 million acres of urban area. An increase over time of the average number of acres required per housing unit in exurban and higher-density locations occurred in roughly one-third of U.S. counties from 1960 to 1990 and persisted from 1990 to 2000. In 2000 roughly 38 million acres were settled at urban densities, and nearly ten times that much land was settled at rates from low, exurban density (as low as one house per 40 acres) to higher rates (up to one per 10 acres). This represents a continuing encroachment on land previously given over to other uses,habitat or agriculture. Practitioners of natural resource management need to recognize the ubiquity of exurban development and better incorporate the fine-scale patterns of land use beyond the urban fringe. [source] SHADOWS OF PLANNING: ON LANDSCAPE/PLANNING HISTORY AND INHERITED LANDSCAPE AMBIGUITIES AT THE URBAN FRINGEGEOGRAFISKA ANNALER SERIES B: HUMAN GEOGRAPHY, Issue 3 2010Mattias Qviström ABSTRACT. The history of vernacular landscapes at the urban fringe is poorly studied, limiting our understanding of the contemporary character of the fringe and our knowledge of the urbanization process. This article argues the necessity of a combined analysis of the legacies of planning and the footprints of former landscape ideals in order to understand the conditions for spatial planning at the urban fringe. After first introducing the methodological use of landscape/planning history, the article focuses on the Swedish discourse on landscape change and landscape planning concerning the urban fringe in the 1930s. Particular focus is placed on the discourse on agricultural landscapes at the urban fringe. The third section of the article presents an examination of the footprints of the ,landscape convention' (i.e. an agreement on the meaning of landscape in relation to law and justice) resulting from the landscape discourse of the 1930s. The article argues that the legacy of the 1930s explains some of the difficulties arising when planners of today aim to utilize the farm landscape as a resource for recreation at the urban fringe. The shadow of the landscape discourse of the 1930s also creates difficulties in dealing with peri-urban landscapes in Swedish planning and Swedish law. With the ongoing discourse on how to implement the European Landscape Convention, such knowledge is particularly useful. [source] LAND-USE DYNAMICS BEYOND THE AMERICAN URBAN FRINGE,GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW, Issue 3 2001DAVID M. THEOBALD ABSTRACT. A deficiency common to both the historical debates over loss of agricultural land and the current discussions of urbanization and sprawl is a limited understanding of land-use dynamics beyond the urban fringe. Data aggregated at the county level poorly capture the fine-grained pattern of land-use change beyond the dynamic urban-rural interface. Furthermore, current urban-based definitions are poorly suited to delineate these areas, and low-density, exurban land use is difficult to measure using existing land-cover databases. Urbanization and the conversion of once-agricultural or other natural resource lands to other uses has traditionally been tracked using urban areas, as delimited in the U.S. census. Urban densities are typically defined as areas with more than 1,000 people per square mile, or 1.6 people per acre (U.S. Census Bureau 2000). Assuming an average of 2.5 people per housing unit, this translates to roughly 0.7 units per acre, or approximately 1 unit per 1.6 acres. The analytical units used in the census, however, both overbound and underbound areas with urban densities. About one-third of urban areas in 1990 comprised lower-than-urban housing density, thanks to overbounding. But, then, one-third of locations that had urban-level housing densities failed to be included in urban areas as a result of underbounding, which, if counted, would have constituted another 18 million acres of urban area. An increase over time of the average number of acres required per housing unit in exurban and higher-density locations occurred in roughly one-third of U.S. counties from 1960 to 1990 and persisted from 1990 to 2000. In 2000 roughly 38 million acres were settled at urban densities, and nearly ten times that much land was settled at rates from low, exurban density (as low as one house per 40 acres) to higher rates (up to one per 10 acres). This represents a continuing encroachment on land previously given over to other uses,habitat or agriculture. Practitioners of natural resource management need to recognize the ubiquity of exurban development and better incorporate the fine-scale patterns of land use beyond the urban fringe. [source] THE GEOGRAPHY OF INSECURITY: SPATIAL CHANGE AND THE FLEXIBILIZATION OF LABOR IN METRO MANILAJOURNAL OF URBAN AFFAIRS, Issue 4 2009GAVIN SHATKIN ABSTRACT:,There has been considerable attention in the urban studies literature to the implications of spatial change associated with globalization for the urban poor in advanced economies, but much less so in developing countries despite the fact that this is where most urbanization is occurring. This article attempts to address this issue in the context of Metro Manila, a globalizing city of 10.7 million that sits in a larger mega-urban region of some 17 million. It does so through an analysis of data collected through two methods: a sample survey of six low-income settlements in the Metro Manila region that collected information about housing conditions, income, and employment of household members, commuting, and household heads',opinions regarding spatial change; and in-depth interviews with a subset of respondents that were intended to generate narratives and stories that would elucidate the experience of households with spatial change. The study identifies three main issues confronting the surveyed households: the social impacts of the flexibilization of labor in the Metro Manila region, gender and age differences in access to employment, and the prevalence of extremely long commutes on the urban fringe. The article concludes that the issues faced by Metro Manila households are in many ways quite distinct from those in cities in advanced economies. It further argues that these differences have important implications both for urban policy and practice in addressing equity issues, and for theories of globalization and issues of spatial change and social equity in cities. [source] Growth at the fringe: The influence of political fragmentation in United States metropolitan areas,PAPERS IN REGIONAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2003John I. Carruthers Land use governance; land use regulation; political fragmentation; urban sprawl Abstract. Urban sprawl has evolved into an exceptionally complex public policy problem in the United States over the course of recent decades. One factor that has made it particularly difficult to deal with is its relationship to the fragmented structure of the American system of land use governance. Acting on behalf of their residents, local governments enact land use regulations to secure lifestyle preferences for low density, suburban living environments while at the same time ensuring a high quality of public service provision. This article examines the effect of this process on metropolitan spatial structure through a series of econometric models designed to test the following hypothesis: that fragmentation promotes sprawl by increasing the proportion of growth that occurs at the unincorporated urban fringe. The estimation results reveal substantive evidence that municipal fragmentation and several related factors , including special districts, infrastructure investments, and white flight processes , have a significant and enduring effect on the growth of outlying areas. [source] | ||||||||||