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Terms modified by United Nations Selected AbstractsLinking Social Development with the Capacity to Carry Debt: Towards an MDG-Consistent Debt-Sustainability ConceptDEVELOPMENT POLICY REVIEW, Issue 3 2009Bernhard G. Gunter Owing to concerns among low-income countries that the new debt sustainability framework of the Bretton Woods institutions may lock them into a so-called ,low debt-low growth' scenario, the United Nations has called for a more MDG-consistent debt-sustainability concept. This article shows that there is a robust relationship between achieving the Millennium Development Goals and having a higher capacity to carry debt. It then discusses options for modifying the current debt-sustainability framework, and suggests that including progress made in achieving the MDGs in determining borrowing limits would be a first step towards adopting such a concept. [source] Still falling short: protection and partnerships in the Lebanon emergency responseDISASTERS, Issue 4 2007David Shearer The Israeli,Hezbollah conflict in the summer of 2006, although brief, had a lasting impact on the region and prompted an intense humanitarian response. The conflict raised challenging questions for the United Nations (UN) about how to assist a middle-income yet extremely vulnerable population in a context where global and local relations are highly politicised. This paper focuses on two key questions that emerged from the humanitarian response. First, how can humanitarian agencies, and particularly the UN, improve the protection of civilians, and was what they did in Lebanon enough? Second, how can humanitarian agencies create partnerships with local actors and still remain true to core humanitarian principles when local actors are fiercely divided along confessional lines and influenced by external actors, and when some, such as Hezbollah, are parties to the conflict? This paper argues that despite the importance of protection and partnerships to the humanitarian response, their role in the UN emergency response still falls short. [source] Setting up an early warning system for epidemic-prone diseases in Darfur: a participative approachDISASTERS, Issue 4 2005Augusto Pinto Abstract In April,May 2004, the World Health Organization (WHO) implemented, with local authorities, United Nations (UN) agencies and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), an early warning system (EWS) in Darfur, West Sudan, for internally displaced persons (IDPs). The number of consultations and deaths per week for 12 health events is recorded for two age groups (less than five years and five years and above). Thresholds are used to detect potential outbreaks. Ten weeks after the introduction of the system, NGOs were covering 54 camps, and 924,281 people (IDPs and the host population). Of these 54 camps, 41 (76%) were reporting regularly under the EWS. Between 22 May and 30 July, 179,795 consultations were reported: 18.7% for acute respiratory infections; 15% for malaria; 8.4% for bloody diarrhoea; and 1% for severe acute malnutrition. The EWS is useful for detecting outbreaks and monitoring the number of consultations required to trigger actions, but not for estimating mortality. [source] Understanding pressures on fishery resources through trade statistics: a pilot study of four products in the Chinese dried seafood marketFISH AND FISHERIES, Issue 1 2004Shelley Clarke Abstract This study investigates the dried seafood trade, centred in Chinese markets, in order to better understand the pressures its demand exerts on global marine resource stocks. Using Hong Kong, the region's largest entrepôt, as a focal point, the trade in shark fins, abalone, bêche-de-mer and dried fish is characterized in terms of product history, volume, source fisheries and species composition. Trends identified in the Hong Kong market are interpreted in the context of the larger Chinese market. Shark fin imports grew 6% per year between 1991 and 2000, most likely because of market expansion in Mainland China, posing increasingly greater pressures on global shark resources. In contrast, the quantities of dried abalone traded through Hong Kong remained steady, but inferences based on this trend are discouraged by suggestions of increasing preferences for fresh product forms and growing domestic production in Mainland China. Hong Kong's imports of dried bêche-de-mer (sea cucumber) have decreased, while the percentage of imports re-exported has remained steady, suggesting that Hong Kong continues as an entrepôt for Mainland China despite declining domestic consumption. Few conclusions can be drawn regarding dried fish products, including whole fish and fish maws, because of a lack of product differentiation in customs data, but a market survey was conducted to provide information on species composition. Comparison of Hong Kong dried seafood trade statistics to those of other key trading partners indicates that, in general, Hong Kong's duty-free status appears to encourage more accurate reporting of traded quantities. Under-reporting biases ranged from 24 to 49% for shark fin and bêche-de-mer, respectively. Comparison to United Nations (UN) Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) databases indicates additional under-reporting for shark fin such that an alternative minimum estimate of world trade is at least twice the FAO estimates in 1998,2000. The results of a survey of Hong Kong traders provide insight into their attitudes toward harvest, economic and regulatory factors, and suggest that conservation efforts are unlikely to emerge from, or be actively supported by, dried seafood trade organizations. The market's apparent sensitivity to economic sentiment, however, reveals an opportunity for consumer education to play a role in shaping future market growth and resource conservation. Recommendations are provided for improving trade statistics and for developing better analytical techniques to complement traditional methods for monitoring the exploitation and management of fisheries resources. [source] Logistic Population Growth in the World's Largest CitiesGEOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS, Issue 4 2006Gordon F. Mulligan This article demonstrates that recent population growth in the world's largest cities has conformed to the general parameters of the logistic process. Using data recently provided by the United Nations, logistic population growth for 485 million-person cities is analyzed at 5-year intervals during 1950,2010, with the UN projections for 2015 adopted as upper limits. A series of ordinary least-squares regression models of increasing complexity are estimated on the pooled data. In one class of models, the logarithms of population proportions are specified to be linear in time, which is the standard approach, but in a second class of models those proportions are specified as being quadratic. The most complex models control logistic growth estimates for (i) city-specific effects (e.g., initial population), (ii) nation-specific effects (e.g., economic development, age distribution of population), and (iii) global coordinates (for unobserved effects). Moreover, the results are segregated according to each city's membership in four different growth clubs, which was an important finding of previous research. [source] On the Move: International Migration in Southeast Asia since the 1980sHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 2 2007Amarjit Kaur Migration has been a persistent theme in Southeast Asian labour history and migrants have been either permanent settlers or temporary residents. In the second half of the nineteenth-century migration coincided with European expansion into the region and was linked to economic development and labour market needs. Borders were porous, there was an empire-wide sourcing of labour, and migration regimes were relatively stable. Since the 1980s migration has predominantly comprised intra-Southeast Asian labour flows, is mediated by institutions and involves formal and informal channels. It has resulted in risks for specific categories of migrants and more stringent border controls by the state. Increasing global interdependence nevertheless, has created the conditions for international governance, and consequently, national policies are being shaped by, and respond to, the expanding global governance regime. Crucially, major international organisations such as the United Nations and its ancillary bodies both inform and direct themes in research and directions for policy. [source] Predictors of the International HIV,AIDS INGO Network Over TimeHUMAN COMMUNICATION RESEARCH, Issue 4 2005Michelle Shumate The HIV,AIDS epidemic is one of the most challenging and significant health crises facing the world today. In order to cope with its complexities, the United Nations and World Health Organization have increasingly relied upon the resources offered by networks of HIV,AIDS nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The research reported here uses evolutionary theory to predict the patterns of alliances and collaborations within the HIV,AIDS International Nongovernmental Organizations (INGO) network. The hypotheses are tested using 8 years of data from the Yearbook of International Organizations. The results showed that geographic proximity and common ties with intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) predict the pattern of alliances among HIV,AIDS INGOs. The best predictor of such alliances, however, is past relationships among these organizations. [source] The second generation of human security: lessons from the UN and EU experienceINTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 1 2010MARY MARTIN The concept of human security, while much contested in both academic and policy debates, and highly fragmented across different meanings and forms of implementation, offers a potential locus around which global security discourse might converge, particularly in light of current shifts in US security thinking. However, key pioneers of human security, such as the United Nations and Canada, appear to be losing their enthusiasm for the concept, just at the moment when others such as the European Union, are advancing a human security agenda. This article examines the divergence of human security narratives between the UN and the EU. It argues that the UN's use of the concept ran aground owing to a triple problematic of lack of clarity, confusion between previously distinct policy streams on human rights and human development and conceptual overstretch. After assessing the EU experience with the concept to date, the article argues that future use of human security will require greater focus on how it deepens ideas of individual security, rather than treating it as an agenda for broadening security. As well as a need to project clarity on the conceptual definition of human security, there is also a need to associate human security with greater clarity of intent. If successful, this would contribute to establishing second generation human security as a new policy paradigm. [source] Canadian Policy on Human Trafficking: A Four-year Analysis1INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 4 2005Jacqueline Oxman-Martinez ABSTRACT This article introduces readers to Canadian Government policy and practice surrounding human trafficking since the adoption of the United Nations (UN) Protocol on Trafficking in 2000. After offering an overview of the UN Protocol, the article reviews and critically analyses Canada's efforts in the three key areas of the Protocol: prevention of human trafficking, protection of trafficking victims, and the prosecution of traffickers. Since the beginning of our research, progress has been made in Canadian policy responses. The Government began by developing and implementing its tools for the prosecution of traffickers, thereby responding to most of the prosecution recommendations of the UN Protocol. Different government agencies are also coordinating their efforts to implement prevention projects, both in source countries and at home, including awareness-raising campaigns, education campaigns, and policy development collaborations. However, the more structural elements of prevention have yet to be adequately addressed. Finally, without shifting their basic border control framework, Canadian government agencies are in the process of improving the protection of trafficking victims who are intercepted in law enforcement operations or who come forward for help. These protection measures would be strengthened further if migrants' rights were explicitly protected by law, something that has failed to occur given recent prioritization of crime and security. The formal protection of victims, as implemented to some degree in several European and American policies, is introduced for comparison. The article concludes with the remaining challenges that face Canadian policy makers, particularly in terms of shifting away from current focus on crime and security to the protection and promotion of the human rights of trafficking victims. LA POLITIQUE CANADIENNE EN MATIÈRE DE TRAITE DES ÊTRES HUMAINS : UNE ANALYSE SUR QUATRE ANS Cet article présente au lecteur la politique et la pratique du gouvernement canadien en matière de traite des êtres humains depuis l'adoption, en 2000, du Protocole additionnel à la Convention des Nations unies contre la criminalité transnationale organisée visant à prévenir, réprimer et punir la traite des personnes, en particulier des femmes et des enfants. Après avoir présenté le Protocole dans son ensemble, l'article examine et analyse de façon critique l'action du Canada dans trois domaines essentiels du Protocole : la prévention de la traite, la protection des victimes et la punition des trafiquants. Depuis le début de notre recherche, le Canada a fait un pas en avant dans les mesures politiques adoptées. Le gouvernement a commencé par élaborer et mettre en oeuvre des mécanismes pour punir les trafiquants, donnant de ce fait suite à la plupart des recommandations du protocole des Nations unies en la matière. Par ailleurs, différents organes de l'État coordonnent leurs efforts pour mettre en place des projets de prévention, tant dans les pays d'origine que sur le territoire canadien, avec des campagnes de sensibilisation et d'éducation, et des collaborations en matière d'élaboration des politiques. Il reste néanmoins à trouver une solution adéquate aux aspects les plus structurels de la prévention. Enfin, sans s'éloigner du cadre fondamental du contrôle des frontières, les services gouvernementaux canadiens améliorent actuellement la protection des victimes de la traite interceptées lors d'opérations de police ou qui viennent demander de l'aide. Ces mesures de protection seraient davantage renforcées si les droits des migrants étaient explicitement inscrits dans la loi, ce qui n'est pas le cas en raison de la priorité accordée à la répression de la criminalité et à la sécurité. La protection formelle des victimes, telle que mise en oeuvre jusqu'à un certain point par des mesures appliquées en Europe et aux États-Unis, est présentée à titre de comparaison. Les conclusions de cet article exposent les défis auxquels restent confrontés les décideurs canadiens, à savoir moins insister sur la répression de la criminalité et la sécurité pour s'occuper davantage de la protection et de la promotion des droits fondamentaux des victimes de la traite. POLÍTICA CANADIENSE RELATIVA A LA TRATA DE PERSONAS: UN ANÁLISIS CUADRIENAL Este artículo presenta las políticas y prácticas del Gobierno canadiense en torno a la trata de personas desde la adopción, en 2000, del Protocolo de las Naciones Unidas relativo a la trata de personas. Tras hacer un repaso del Protocolo de las Naciones Unidas, este artículo examina y analiza críticamente los empeños del Canadá en tres esferas clave del Protocolo: prevención de la trata de personas, protección de las víctimas de la trata, y enjuiciamiento de los traficantes. Desde que se iniciara este estudio se han observado progresos en las respuestas políticas canadienses. El Gobierno comenzó desarrollando y llevando a la práctica sus instrumentos para la sanción y enjuiciamiento de los traficantes, respondiendo así a la mayoría de las recomendaciones de enjuiciamiento que contiene el Protocolo de las Naciones Unidas. Varias instituciones gubernamentales también coordinan sus esfuerzos con miras a la puesta en práctica de proyectos de prevención, tanto en los países de origen como en el Canadá, incluyendo campañas de concienciación, campañas educativas y colaboraciones con miras al desarrollo de políticas. Sin embargo, aún quedan por encarar los elementos más estructurales de la prevención. Finalmente, sin salir del marco básico de control de fronteras, las instituciones gubernamentales canadienses están tratando de mejorar la protección de las víctimas de la trata interceptadas en operaciones de aplicación de la ley o que se presentan a las autoridades con miras a solicitar ayuda. Si se aspira a proteger explícitamente por ley los derechos de los migrantes, habrá que reforzar las medidas de protección, algo que no figura entre las prioridades establecidas recientemente con relación al ámbito delictivo y de seguridad. Con fines comparativos, se presenta la protección oficial que brindan a las víctimas las políticas europeas y americanas. Este artículo concluye con los desafíos que tienen ante sí los formuladores de políticas canadienses, particularmente en cuanto al cambio del centro de atención actual en materia de actividades delictivas y de seguridad hacia la protección y promoción de los derechos humanos de las víctimas de la trata. [source] Protection of Migrants' Human Rights: Principles and PracticeINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001Heikki S. Mattila In principle, migrants enjoy the protection of international law. Key human rights instruments oblige the States Parties to extend their protection to all human beings. Such important treaties as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights have been ratified by more than 140 states, but many political, social or economic obstacles seem to stand in the way of offering those rights to migrants. In an attempt to bridge this protection gap, the more specifically targeted International Convention on the Protection of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families was created and adopted by the United Nations in 1990. This treaty is not yet in force, but the number of States Parties is increasing towards the required 20. In the past few years the human rights machinery of the United Nations has increased its attention towards migrants' human rights, appointing in 1999 the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants. Governments, as the acceding parties to international human rights instruments, remain the principal actors as guardians of the human rights of all individuals residing in their territories. Receiving countries are in a key position in the protection of the migrants that they host. However, active defence of migrants' rights is politically difficult in many countries where anti-immigrant factions are influential. Trafficking in migrants is one example of the complexity faced by states in formulating their migration policies. On the one hand, trafficking has made governments increasingly act together and combine both enforcement and protection. On the other, trafficking, with its easily acceptable human rights concerns, is often separated from the more migration-related human smuggling. The latter is a more contentious issue, related also to unofficial interests in utilizing cheap undocumented immigrant labour. [source] Global Intellectual Hegemony and the International Development AgendaINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 166 2000Branislav Gosovic The worldwide homogenisation of thinking, analysis, and prescription, coupled with the de-legitimisation of social critique, dissent, and alternative thinking in the 1990s, are characteristic of globalisation and of the current international system. The homogenisation is the outcome of global geopolitical changes and the end of the Cold War, with the ascendance of a victorious paradigm. The resulting global intellectual hegemony (GIH) is of special concernto developing countries and to the United Nations. It has undermined the goals and aspirations of the former and contributed to their intellectual disarmament and disempowerment; it has undermined the mandate and role of the latter. This essay discusses GIH in the context of international development cooperation, showing how it is nurtured in many different ways. It is argued that the mechanisms at work are well-known in national politics, in particular inundemocratic societies, and are now projected by new technologies and through the global domination by those with power, a task made easier by the lack of organised and credible opposition. It suggests the need for further study and policy debate of this global phenomenon which seems to have largely passed unnoticed in academic, policy, and public opinion circles. [source] The Decline of America's Soft Power in the United Nations1INTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 3 2009Monti Narayan Datta To what extent does anti-Americanism precipitate a decline in America's soft power? Nye postulates a negative relationship, presenting substantial implications for the U.S. national interest. In this paper, I test Nye's hypothesis through an examination of America's political influence within the United Nations. Using a fixed effects model, I regress voting alignment within the UN General Assembly (UNGA) on cross-national, aggregate public opinion toward the United States from 1985 to 2007. Controlling for foreign aid received and alliances with the United States, I find a statistically significant, positive relationship between favorable attitudes toward the United States and voting alignment within the UNGA on overall plenary votes and those votes for which the U.S. lobbies other UN-member states extensively. At the same time, controlling for temporal effects, states are far less supportive of U.S. interests in the UN throughout the tenure of President George W. Bush, capturing the effect of "anti-Bushism" in addition to anti-Americanism. The results of this study shed light on an emerging area of the literature that not only studies the sources of anti-Americanism, but also its consequences. [source] United Nations "Policy": An Argument with Three IllustrationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 1 2009Ramesh Thakur This article explores whether and in what sense there is a "United Nations policy," a topic unexplored in the literature. The UN's universal character provides legitimacy, a precious asset in formulating global public policy. It is thus the forum of choice for regime negotiation and norm promotion for contested contemporary challenges, reflecting its comparative advantage and its unique ability to formulate policies that aspire to universal application and relevance. This essay explores the UN's particular contribution to global problem solving for terrorism, sustainability, and controlling pandemics in order to show, through these three illustrations, how the United Nations contributes to the advance or retreat of global governance. [source] Ending Wars and Building Peace: International Responses to War-Torn Societies1INTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 1 2008Charles T. Call Scholars and practitioners of international relations have devoted increasing attention to how cease-fires, once achieved, may be translated into sustained peace. In recent years, the United Nations, the World Bank, and the United States and other governments have revamped their institutional architecture for addressing post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding. The creation in 2006 of a UN Peacebuilding Commission exemplifies these changes. The relationship between weak states and the durability of peace has acquired new emphasis in IR research. This article analyzes recent conceptual developments in post-conflict peacebuilding, relating them to new thinking about fragile states. It then analyzes the international architecture for addressing post-conflict peacebuilding, identifying gaps, and analyzing likely policy challenges in the near future. We argue that despite important analytic insights and institutional changes, serious challenges persist in efforts to prevent wars from recurring. [source] Transnational Networks and Policy Diffusion: The Case of Gender MainstreamingINTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2001Jacqui True How can we account for the global diffusion of remarkably similar policy innovations across widely differing nation-states? In an era characterized by heightened globalization and increasingly radical state restructuring, this question has become especially acute. Scholars of international relations offer a number of theoretical explanations for the cross-national convergence of ideas, institutions, and interests. We examine the proliferation of state bureaucracies for gender mainstreaming. These organizations seek to integrate a gender-equality perspective across all areas of government policy. Although they so far have received scant attention outside of feminist policy circles, these mainstreaming bureaucracies,now in place in over 100 countries,represent a powerful challenge to business-as-usual politics and policymaking. As a policy innovation, the speed with which these institutional mechanisms have been adopted by the majority of national governments is unprecedented. We argue that transnational networks composed largely of nonstate actors (notably women's international nongovernmental organizations and the United Nations) have been the primary forces driving the diffusion of gender mainstreaming. In an event history analysis of 157 nation-states from 1975 to 1998, we assess how various national and transnational factors have affected the timing and the type of the institutional changes these states have made. Our findings support the claim that the diffusion of gender-mainstreaming mechanisms has been facilitated by the role played by transnational networks, in particular by the transnational feminist movement. Further, they suggest a major shift in the nature and the locus of global politics and national policymaking. [source] Foreign Policy Gaps between Citizens and LeadersINTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2000Benjamin I. Page Persistent gaps between the policy preferences of leaders and those of citizens are problematic from the point of view of democratic theory. Examination of the foreign policy preferences of samples of citizens and leaders from seven Chicago Council on Foreign Relations (CCFR) surveys between 1974 and 1998 reveals many differences of 30, 40, and even 50 percentage points. Often a majority of the public has disagreed with a majority of leaders. Some of the same gaps have persisted over the full 24-year period of these surveys. The pattern of gaps is considerably more complicated than a simple difference in degree of commitment to internationalism. Citizens have generally put a higher priority than leaders on expanding domestic programs like Social Security, crime fighting, and health care, and have been more eager to cut foreign economic aid. But there have not been substantial gaps with respect to defense spending or military aid. More members of the public than leaders emphasize foreign policy goals related to protecting Americans' jobs and ensuring Americans' health and physical security (e.g., from terrorism, drugs, and epidemic diseases). Citizens have been more reluctant than leaders to use U.S. troops in most circumstances, but the opposite is true of situations involving Latin America. Citizens have been more willing to bomb than to commit troops, though not indiscriminately so, and many more citizens than leaders oppose selling weapons abroad. Fewer members of the public than leaders have favored most kinds of cooperative relationships with adversary countries. But more members of the public than leaders generally support the United Nations, and more favor multilateralism in general. About the same number of citizens as leaders have supported NATO. Some of these gaps may reflect lower levels of attention to foreign affairs and lower levels of information among the public than among leaders, but many of the gaps may instead reflect different values and interests. In cases where the public is ill-informed, persistent gaps suggest a failure of leaders to educate and persuade. Where public opinion is well-informed and deliberative, democratic theory would seem to call for responsiveness by policymakers. [source] On the Possibility of "International Community"INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2009David C. Ellis The term "international community" has recently become commonplace in leaders' and academics' discourse and the subject of some analysis. While scholars have begun to explore its usage, there has not yet been a modern theoretical evaluation of the prerequisites for creating an international community. This article conducts a theoretical analysis on the types of international communities that can be generated in international politics and the structural factors necessary for their manifestation. It continues by investigating the possibility of forming a unitary actor, called the "International Community," tasked with resolving global commons issues through an international organization, such as the United Nations. The article concludes by arguing that the conditions do not yet exist for a meaningful "International Community." [source] High-yielding capacity building in irrigation system management: targeting managers and operators,,IRRIGATION AND DRAINAGE, Issue 3 2008Thierry Facon développement des capacités; gestion du système; Asie Abstract Irrigation management is facing complex challenges evolving with the transformation of agriculture, competition over resources, environmental concerns, without forgetting the critical objective of food production. Managers are ill prepared to meet these challenges and the FAO called for and initiated a massive retraining programme of engineers and managers on irrigation system modernization to address these issues, starting in Asia. Results from this first generation of interventions confirmed the lack of success of many investments and institutional reforms, gaps in capacity and training and the potential for achieving significant improvements at minimal cost by focusing on system operation. The FAO prepared new guidelines for improving system operation and management (MASSCOTE) based on service-oriented management concepts, tested them through training workshops in Nepal, India and China and is disseminating them through a second-generation training programme building on first- generation knowledge synthesis. This paper presents the FAO's strategic approach to capacity building on service-oriented management. It builds on the major lessons drawn from past programmes and is based on three interrelated thrusts: at the system, state and regional/global levels. Concepts, methodologies, lessons learned on upscaling to policy and long-term investment planning, limitations and conditions for success and future programme development are discussed. Copyright © 2008 Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. La gestion de l'irrigation est confrontée à des défis complexes en évolution avec la transformation de l'agriculture, la concurrence sur les ressources, les préoccupations environnementales, sans oublier l'objectif critique de la production alimentaire. Les gestionnaires sont mal préparés pour répondre à ces défis et la FAO a lancé un vaste programme de nouvelle formation des ingénieurs et cadres sur la modernisation des systèmes d'irrigation pour traiter ces questions, en commençant par l'Asie. Les résultats de cette première génération d'interventions ont confirmé le manque de succès de beaucoup d'investissements et de réformes institutionnelles, les lacunes dans les capacités et la formation et les possibilités de parvenir à des améliorations significatives à peu de frais en se concentrant sur le fonctionnement du système. La FAO a élaboré de nouveaux guides pour améliorer l'exploitation et la gestion des systèmes (MASSCOTE) basés sur les concepts de service, les a testés par des ateliers de formation au Népal, en Inde et en Chine et les a diffusés par une deuxième génération de programmes de formation s'appuyant sur la synthèse des connaissances de première génération. Cet article présente l'approche stratégique de la FAO pour le renforcement des capacités de gestion orientée sur le service. Il s'appuie sur les principaux enseignements tirés des précédents programmes et repose sur trois axes étroitement liés: au niveau du système, de l'état et régional/mondial. Les concepts, les méthodes, les leçons apprises sur les politiques et la planification des investissements à long terme, les limites et les conditions du succès, et le développement des programmes futurs sont discutés. Copyright © 2008 Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Productive Restructuring and ,Standardization' in Mexican Horticulture: Consequences for LabourJOURNAL OF AGRARIAN CHANGE, Issue 2 2010HUBERT CARTON DE GRAMMONT In this paper we discuss how the establishment of strict quality and food safety norms for horticulture to satisfy the current consumer demands has forced enterprises to invest in modifying their productive processes. In the light of the unavoidable trend in favour of consumers, we analyze the precarious situation of farm workers, a situation that is not in tune with the concept of decent work promoted by the International Labour Organization or with the Social Accountability Standard promoted by the United Nations. We conclude that the enterprises have achieved major progress in productive restructuring to comply with quality standards, but at the expense of their workers' salaries and living and working conditions. This contradiction between the well-being of the consumer and the misery of the worker is a fundamental characteristic explaining the current success of globalized agro-food systems. [source] Countries with fewer males have more violent crime: marriage markets and mating aggressionAGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR, Issue 1 2009Nigel Barber Abstract Violent crimes (murders, rapes, and assaults) are substantially higher in countries with a relative scarcity of men according to research using INTERPOL data [Barber, 2000a]. This is a paradox given that males are more criminally violent and likely reflects increased direct mating competition. The present research sought to confirm and extend Barber's [2000a] finding, using murder data from the United Nations and homicides from World Health Organization that are of higher quality than the INTERPOL data, and using more rigorous controls. In addition to level of economic development, control variables included, income inequality, urbanization, population density, the number of police, and whether the country was a major center of illegal drug trafficking. Regression analyses with all controls found that killings in both data sets increased with declines in the male proportion of the population. The findings are discussed in terms of direct reproductive competition and alternative explanations are considered. Aggr. Behav. 35:49,56, 2009. © 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source] United Front: Blame Management and Scandal Response Tactics of the United NationsJOURNAL OF CONTINGENCIES AND CRISIS MANAGEMENT, Issue 2 2009Tereza Capelos In this paper we conduct a systematic study of the United Nations (UN) responses to allegations of transgression. We examine the patterns in the UN reaction to scandals, the types of accounts, the institutional providers of the responses, and the implications of scandals for the UN and its' official(s). We conduct a content analysis of the UN scandal and account coverage in international (print) media in the last 25 years, and find a scandal-responsive UN, particularly in the case of institutional scandals. Concessions issued by the office of the Secretary General is dominant UN account to allegations of misconduct. Individual staff members implicated in the scandals offer a greater variety of accounts and often suffer resignations and severe punishments. [source] Skeletal Estimation and Identification in American and East European Populations,JOURNAL OF FORENSIC SCIENCES, Issue 3 2008Erin H. Kimmerle Ph.D. Abstract:, Forensic science is a fundamental transitional justice issue as it is imperative for providing physical evidence of crimes committed and a framework for interpreting evidence and prosecuting violations to International Humanitarian Law (IHL). The evaluation of evidence presented in IHL trials and the outcomes various rulings by such courts have in regard to the accuracy or validity of methods applied in future investigations is necessary to ensure scientific quality. Accounting for biological and statistical variation in the methods applied across populations and the ways in which such evidence is used in varying judicial systems is important because of the increasing amount of international forensic casework being done globally. Population variation or the perceived effect of such variation on the accuracy and reliability of methods is important as it may alter trial outcomes, and debates about the scientific basis for human variation are now making their way into international courtrooms. Anthropological data on population size (i.e., the minimum number of individuals in a grave), demographic structure (i.e., the age and sex distribution of victims), individual methods applied for identification, and general methods of excavation and trauma analysis have provided key evidence in cases of IHL. More generally, the question of population variation and the applicability of demographic methods for estimating individual and population variables is important for American and International casework in the face of regional population variation, immigrant populations, ethnic diversity, and secular changes. The reliability of various skeletal aging methods has been questioned in trials prosecuted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Prosecutor of the Tribunal against Radislav Krsti, (Case No. IT-98-33, Trial Judgment) and again in the currently ongoing trial of The Prosecutor of the Tribunal against Zdravko Tolimir, Radivolje Mileti,, Milan Gvero, Vinko Pandurevi,, Ljubisa Beara, Vujadin Popovi,, Drago Nikoli,, Milorad Trbi,, Ljubomir Borovcanin (IT-05-88-PT, Second Amended Indictment). Following the trial of General Krsti,, a collaborative research project was developed between the Forensic Anthropology Center at The University of Tennessee (UT) and the United Nations, International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, Office of the Prosecutor (ICTY). The purpose of that collaboration was to investigate methods used for the demographic analysis of forensic evidence and where appropriate to recalibrate methods for individual estimation of age, sex, and stature for specific use in the regions of the former Yugoslavia. The question of "local standards" and challenges to the reliability of current anthropological methods for biological profiling in international trials of IHL, as well as the performance of such methods to meet the evidentiary standards used by international tribunals is investigated. Anthropological methods for estimating demographic parameters are reviewed. An overview of the ICTY-UT collaboration for research aimed at addressing specific legal issues is discussed and sample reliability for Balkan aging research is tested. The methods currently used throughout the Balkans are discussed and estimated demographic parameters obtained through medico-legal death investigations are compared with identified cases. Based on this investigation, recommendations for improving international protocols for evidence collection, presentation, and research are outlined. [source] Human rights and child healthJOURNAL OF PAEDIATRICS AND CHILD HEALTH, Issue 9 2007Shanti Raman Abstract: Human rights are those basic standards without which people cannot live in dignity. Children are at risk of human rights violations because of their vulnerability in society. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), a United Nations (UN) treaty acknowledges that addressing children's human rights requires special attention. In Australia groups such as children seeking asylum, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, children with disabilities, children in care and children living in poverty are identified to be at particular risk. As individuals and collectively, we have had a long history of gathering information, advocacy and tailoring training to improve children's health and well-being. A human rights approach and the use of the CRC provide an additional framework to do this. [source] The Emotional Climate of Nations and Their Culture of PeaceJOURNAL OF SOCIAL ISSUES, Issue 2 2007Joseph De Rivera Societies seem to have emotional climates that affect how people feel and act in public situations. Unlike the emotions experienced in an individual's personal life, these modal feelings reflect a collective response to the socio-economic-political situation of the society and influence how most people behave toward one another and their government. A government may foster a climate of fear to ensure social control, or it may encourage the formation of heterogeneous social groups to facilitate a climate of trust between people from different groups. On one hand, emotional climates may be viewed as reflecting the relative peacefulness or violence of a society. Thus, an assessment of emotional climate may provide a subjective index of human security to complement objective measures of democracy, human rights, equality, and other factors that we presume are beneficial to human welfare. On the other hand, we may view emotional climates as influences that act to further or to impede the development of the culture of peace advocated by the General Assembly of the United Nations. Thus, their assessment may have predictive power, and measuring a society's emotional climate may help us to create desirable policy. In this article we show that it is possible to measure some important aspects of the emotional climates of three nations that have different degrees of a culture of peace: Norway, the United States, and India. We show that estimates of the collective emotions that constitute climate can be distinguished from reports of personal emotions in that the former are more influenced by nation and the latter by social class. It is the subjective experience of national emotional climate, rather than personal emotional experience, that appears most related to objective indices for the culture of peace in the different nations. [source] The Internal Israeli Conflict: The Past, Present, and Future of the Jewish West Bank and Gaza SettlementsNEGOTIATION JOURNAL, Issue 2 2005Robert Mnookin On October 14 and 15, 2004, just days before the Israeli government submitted to the Knesset a draft legislation to authorize the evacuation of Jewish settlers from Gaza Strip and some settlements on the West Bank, a two-day conference titled "Past, Present, and Future of the Jewish West Bank and Gaza Settlements: The Internal Israeli Conflict" was held at Harvard Law School. The conference was sponsored by the Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School, the Saltman Center for Conflict Resolution of the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, and the United States Institute of Peace. This interdisciplinary conference's six panels, whose proceedings are summarized in the series of articles that follow, explored the religious, ideological, psychological, political, legal, and international dimensions of the conflict. Presenters included former and current Israeli and American government officials, experts on resettlement policies and compensation mechanisms, and scholars from a variety of disciplines. While presentation topics covered a range of issues relating to the settlements, three broad themes arose from the conference. First, participants agreed that it is important, if not fundamental, to understand the perspectives of the national religious settlers who are the driving force behind the settlement movement. Exploring the settlers' diverse interests, fears, and identities is necessary in order to see why relocation is so threatening to them. The Israeli government can lessen opposition to withdrawal by showing the settlers empathy and reassurance, but only if government officials first achieve a true understanding of the settlers' concerns. Participants also argued that a reframing of the relocation in ideological terms could be another critical component of a solution to this problem. It may be necessary for the leaders of the settlement movement to develop a new narrative or modify the existing one in order to legitimize their relocation. Part of this narrative will involve the concept of "a greater good", the government must reassure the settlers that their sacrifice is for a higher cause. Several participants noted that Israel needs to show the settlers "tough love." When the relocations begin, many expect that there will be violence and that disturbing images will be broadcast throughout Israel and around the world. Internal disruption could put the government led by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and his Likud party coalition in jeopardy. The government must not waver in the face of this crisis, conference participants argued. In fact, the threat of violent and disruptive resistance by settlers and their allies can be part of the solution, not just the problem. The government and relocation supporters can use this extremism to justify decisive measures and to redefine the problem for the broader population to convince them that the stability of the country is at stake. Another major conclusion of conference participants was that, while the Israeli settlement issue has unique features, there is much to be learned from comparative analysis. Other countries have dealt with settlement situations, and their experiences offer invaluable lessons. In particular, participants contrasted Israel's settlements in Gaza and the West Bank with French settlements in Algeria and English settlements in Ireland. Some pointed to the French withdrawal from Algeria, which was politically painful but ultimately successful, as an example of "tough love" that Israel should follow. Finally, the involvement of third parties to help solve this conflict is indispensable. Participants noted that while much of Israel feels alienated from the European Union and the United Nations, the Israeli government is highly sensitive to the concerns of the United States, as evidenced by Sharon's decision to show the Gaza withdrawal plan to the U.S. government before he had even raised it with his cabinet and the Israeli parliament, the Knesset. International participation could help legitimize withdrawal and reduce Israeli responsibility for Gaza's future. Third parties can apply political pressure to encourage an accountable and responsible Palestinian leadership. They may also be called upon to provide some sort of financial aid. The participants acknowledged the complexity of the settlement problem and recognized that easy solutions do not exist. Yet, if the Israeli government works toward understanding the settlers' perspectives, learns from comparative analysis, and involves third parties appropriately, the likelihood of a successful outcome increases greatly. [source] Complexities of indigeneity and autochthony: An African exampleAMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 1 2009Michaela Pelican ABSTRACT In this article, I deal with the complexities of "indigeneity" and "autochthony," two distinct yet closely interrelated concepts used by various actors in local, national, and international arenas in Africa and elsewhere. With the adoption of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples by the United Nations General Assembly in September 2007, hopes were high among activists and organizations that the precarious situation of many minority groups might be gradually improved. However, sharing the concerns of other scholars, I argue that discourses of indigeneity and autochthony are highly politicized, are subject to local and national particularities, and produce ambivalent, sometimes paradoxical, outcomes. My elaborations are based on in-depth knowledge of the case of the Mbororo in Cameroon, a pastoralist group and national minority recognized by the United Nations as an "indigenous people" although locally perceived as "strangers" and "migrants." For comparative purposes, and drawing on related studies, I integrate the Bagyeli and Baka (also known as Pygmies) of southern and southeastern Cameroon into my analysis, as they share the designation of indigenous people with the Mbororo and face similar predicaments. [indigeneity, autochthony, identity, United Nations, Cameroon] [source] 1.,Globalization and Violence: The Challenge to EthicsAMERICAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2009Edward Demenchonok Despite its many benefits, globalization has proven to harbor a good deal of violence. This is not only a matter of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction inaugurated by the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, but includes many forms of indirect or "structural violence" resulting from the routine of economic and political institutions on the global scale. In this essay, the multifaceted phenomena of violence are approached from the standpoint of ethics. The prevailing political thinking associated with "realism" fails to address the problems of militarism and of hegemonic unilateralism. In contrast, many philosophers are critically rethinking the problem of global violence from different ethical perspectives. Despite sharing similar concerns, philosophers nevertheless differ over the role of philosophical reflection and the potentials of reason. These differences appear in two contrasting approaches associated with postmodern philosophy and discourse ethics. In the analysis of discourse ethics, attention is paid to Karl-Otto Apel's attempt of philosophically grounding a macroethics of planetary co-responsibility. At the heart of the essay is the analysis of the problem of violence, including terrorism, by Jürgen Habermas, who explains the phenomenon of violence in terms of the theory of communicative action as the breakdown of communication. Jacques Derrida's deconstruction of the notion of "terrorism" also is analyzed. According to the principle of discourse ethics, all conflicts between human beings ought to be settled in a way free of violence, through discourses and negotiations. These philosophers conclude that the reliance on force does not solve social and global problems, including those that are the source of violence. The only viable alternative is the "dialogical" multilateral relations of peaceful coexistence and cooperation among the nations for solving social and global problems. They emphasize the necessity of strengthening the international rule of law and institutions, such as a reformed United Nations. [source] Education for Sustainable Development as Peace EducationPEACE & CHANGE, Issue 4 2009Monisha Bajaj This article examines the intersections among peace education and environmental education to understand how these commonalities frame education for sustainable development. The authors trace the intersection of the two disciplines and explore the role of the United Nations in promoting and empowering individuals with the values to advance the twin goals of peace and ecological sustainability. The paper profiles the United Nation's Decade of Education for Sustainable Development, particularly as formal education, nonformal learning channels, and popular culture have embraced the holistic notion of ecological responsibility, peace, and social justice. [source] Attachment to the Nation and International Relations: Dimensions of Identity and Their Relationship to War and PeacePOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 5 2009Richard K. Herrmann Since the rise of mass politics, the role national identities play in international relations has been debated. Do they produce a popular reservoir easily tapped for war or bestow dignity thereby fostering cooperation and a democratic peace? The evidence for either perspective is thin, beset by different conceptions of identity and few efforts to identify its effects independent of situational factors. Using data drawn from new national surveys in Italy and the United States, we advance a three-dimensional conception of national identity, theoretically connecting the dimensions to conflictive and cooperative dispositions as well as to decisions to cooperate with the United Nations in containing Iran's nuclear proliferation and Sudan's humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Attachment to the nation in Italy and the United States is found to associate with less support for militarist options and more support for international cooperation as liberal nationalists expect. This depends, however, on containing culturally exclusive conceptions of the nation and chauvinism. [source] United Nations Human Rights Conventions: Obligations and CompliancePOLITICS & POLICY, Issue 4 2003Carol M. Glen Since the creation of the United Nations in 1945, a dramatic increase has occurred in the volume of international law, particularly in the area of human rights. Today, there are dozens of UN sponsored human rights conventions, and most have been widely ratified. We examine how effective these treaties have been in protecting individual rights and liberties. Specifically, we hypothesize that a positive correlation exists between aggregate human rights treaty ratification over time and an improving global human rights record. We also test whether an observed improvement in a country's human rights record correlates positively to recent human rights treaty ratification. Our results support our hypotheses. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||