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Trade Area (trade + area)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Humanities and Social Sciences50%
Business, Economics, Finance and Accounting50%

Kinds of Trade Area

  • free trade area
    		•

    Selected Abstracts

    FREE TRADE AREAS AND RULES OF ORIGIN: ECONOMICS AND POLITICS

    ECONOMICS & POLITICS, Issue 2 2007
    RUPA DUTTAGUPTA
    Incorporating an intermediate input into a simple small-union general-equilibrium model, this paper first develops the welfare economics of preferential trading under the rules of origin (ROO) and then demonstrates that ROOs can improve the political viability of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Two interesting outcomes are derived. First, a welfare-reducing FTA that was rejected in the absence of ROOs can become feasible in the presence of these rules. Second, a welfare- improving FTA that was rejected in the absence of ROOs can be endorsed in their presence, but upon endorsement it can become welfare inferior relative to the status quo. [source]

    AFRICA: Free Trade Area

    AFRICA RESEARCH BULLETIN: ECONOMIC, FINANCIAL AND TECHNICAL SERIES, Issue 9 2009
    Article first published online: 2 NOV 200
    No abstract is available for this article. [source]

    U.S. Power and the Politics of Economic Governance in the Americas

    LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 4 2005
    Nicola Phillips
    ABSTRACT This article examines the nature of the emerging regional economic regime in the Americas and argues that the dominant approach to economic governance is one defined by the assertion of U.S. power in the region and oriented toward distinctively U.S. interests and preferences. This has been clearly evident in the evolution of the Free Trade Area of the Americas but also, with the deceleration and fragmentation of that process during 2002 and 2003, in the growing prioritization of bilateralism. The leverage afforded by the bilateral negotiation of trade agreements acts to situate primary influence in shaping the rules that constitute the regional economic regime, and the primary functions associated with governing in this context, firmly within the agencies of the U.S. state. This essay therefore explores how the hegemonic power of the United States manifests itself in the substance of the hemispheric project and the shape of the economic regime associated with it. [source]

    What Macroeconomic Measures Are Needed for Free Trade to Flourish in the Western Hemisphere?

    LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2004
    Barry Eichengreen
    ABSTRACT Recent experience has made clear the importance of macroeconomic stability, and exchange rate stability in particular, in generating support for regional integration. The tensions created by exchange-rate and financial volatility are clearly evident in the recent history of Mercosur and may also hinder the development of a Free Trade Area of the Americas. This essay argues that ambitious schemes for a single regional currency are not a practical response to this problem. Nor would a system of currency pegs or bands be sufficiently durable to provide a lasting solution. Instead, countries must solve this problem at home. In practice, this means adopting sound and stable monetary policies backed by a clear and coherent operating strategy, such as inflation targeting. With such policies in place, exchange rate volatility can be reduced to levels compatible with regional integration. [source]

    VALUE CONTENT AND PRODUCTION NETWORKS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA: APPLICATION OF AFTA AND ASEAN-PLUS-ONE FTA FORMULAS

    THE DEVELOPING ECONOMIES, Issue 2 2009
    Ikuo KUROIWA
    C67; F15; L60 Rules of origin are an integral part of all trade rules. To be eligible for Common Effective Preferential Tariffs under the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) agreement, a product must satisfy the conditions relative to value content. The present paper seeks to calculate value content of industries in Southeast Asia, using the formula specified by the rules of origin in AFTA, the ASEAN,China FTA, the ASEAN,Korea FTA, and the ASEAN,Japan FTA. Moreover, the paper attempts to calculate true value content of industries by applying a simple technique of input,output analysis, and to estimate error margins (i.e., overestimates) in calculating value content. The paper also examines the relationship between value content and production networks. The paper finds that many industries exhibited declines in local content during the period 1990,2000, but that the geographical spread of production networks raised the proportion of inputs supplied by the neighboring ASEAN countries, so that the contribution of the cumulative rule of origin increased. [source]

    Regional Trade Agreements in East Asia: Will They Be Sustainable?,

    ASIAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL, Issue 2 2009
    Innwon Park
    C68; F15; O53 By assessing the sustainability of regional trade agreements (RTAs) for East Asia, we quantitatively evaluate the likely impact of proposed East Asian RTA strategies on the East Asian economies and the world economy with respect to consumption, production, volume of trade and terms of trade effects by applying a multi-country and multi-sector computable general equilibrium model. These strategies include: (i) the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA: a being-left-alone strategy); (ii) an ASEAN Hub RTA (a hub-and-spoke type of overlapping RTA strategy); (iii) the AFTA versus a China,Japan,Korea RTA (a duplicating or competing RTA strategy); and (iv) an ASEAN+3 RTA (an expansionary RTA strategy). We find that an expansionary ASEAN+3 RTA could be a sustainable policy option because the members' gains would be significantly positive, with more equitably distributed gains between members than when using other strategies. The effect on world welfare would also be positive and the negative effect on nonmembers would not be very strong. More interestingly, if the East Asian countries cooperate with Pacific Basin countries to form an APEC-level RTA, such as a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific, the extension of the regional trade bloc might be considered a more desirable policy option than the proposed East Asian RTAs for East Asian economies, even though countries excluded from the free trade area of the Asia Pacific are worse off. [source]

    Broadening the NAFTA: Key Issues on the Free Trade Area of the Americas from a Canadian Perspective

    CANADIAN JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS, Issue 4 2001
    Rick Barichello
    [source]

    Political Economy of the Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area: A Dilemma for China

    CHINA AND WORLD ECONOMY, Issue 5 2007
    Bin Sheng
    F53; F59; O53 Abstract The Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area (FTAAP) has become a topic of focus since the proposal was first raised in 2004. The present paper considers China's policy towards the FTAAP from a political economy perspective by probing the gains, impediments and concerns for China, and makes judgments based on several possible scenarios. The author argues that from an economic perspective, China would benefit from joining the FTAAP both in a static and a dynamic manner because both its main trade partners and trade barriers in export markets are concentrated in the Asia-Pacific region. However, whether the Chinese Government is likely to support the initiative is largely dependent on certain crucial political and diplomatic elements, including the APEC approach, US-Chinese relations, quality of treaty, sensitive sectors, competitive proposal of alternative and membership of Chinese Taipei. Therefore, if the Chinese Government cannot ratify the ideology and terms of the initiative, or issues that are central to China's interests are not addressed, the FTAAP will only remain a proposal possessing economic possibility in the long run, without political feasibility in the near term. [source]

    Harmonizing External Quotas in an FTA: A Step Backward?

    ECONOMICS & POLITICS, Issue 3 2002
    Olivier Cadot
    This paper explores how political,economy forces shape quantitative barriers against the rest of the world in an FTA. We show that whereas the dilution of lobbying power in an FTA typically leads to a relaxation of external quotas, this result is likely to be overturned as integration deepens. In particular, we show that cooperation among member countries on the level of their external quotas, cross,border lobbying by import,competing interests in the free,trade area, and the consolidation of national external quotas into a single one, all lead to stiffer restrictions against imports from the rest of the world. We also show that, unlike tariffs, endogenous quotas are not crucially affected by the presence of rules of origin. [source]

    The Barcelona Process and the Political Economy of Euro-Mediterranean Trade Integration,

    JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 5 2007
    MARCO MONTANARI
    The Barcelona Process aims to create a free trade area between the EU and its Mediterranean neighbours by 2010. This article uses two-level game theory to analyse the negotiations leading to the signature of the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements. It argues that conflicts of interests between the actors involved in the bargaining process are responsible for the restrictive nature of the agreements, characterized by agricultural protectionism, long transition periods and small amounts of financial support allocated by the EU to its partners. These provisions have prevented the Barcelona Process from significantly boosting Euro-Mediterranean bilateral trade in the last few years. [source]

    The EU-Mercosol Free Trade Agreement: Quantifying Mutual Gains,

    JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 5 2006
    GERMÁN CALFAT
    We identify trade in goods opportunities in a EU-Mercosul free trade area. Gains for Mercosul are rather concentrated, being mostly associated with a few agricultural commodities which face high protection barriers. EU gains are evenly spread, comprising a variety of market penetration possibilities. Trade deviation in the EU products is never higher than trade creation, confirming their international competitiveness and signalling that no great distortion of Mercosul's imports will take place. Balanced gains exist for both sides. For Mercosul, the agreement would act as a first serious trial for future liberalizations with other developed partners and as a warning on improvements in competitiveness. [source]

    Regional Trade Agreements in East Asia: Will They Be Sustainable?,

    ASIAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL, Issue 2 2009
    Innwon Park
    C68; F15; O53 By assessing the sustainability of regional trade agreements (RTAs) for East Asia, we quantitatively evaluate the likely impact of proposed East Asian RTA strategies on the East Asian economies and the world economy with respect to consumption, production, volume of trade and terms of trade effects by applying a multi-country and multi-sector computable general equilibrium model. These strategies include: (i) the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA: a being-left-alone strategy); (ii) an ASEAN Hub RTA (a hub-and-spoke type of overlapping RTA strategy); (iii) the AFTA versus a China,Japan,Korea RTA (a duplicating or competing RTA strategy); and (iv) an ASEAN+3 RTA (an expansionary RTA strategy). We find that an expansionary ASEAN+3 RTA could be a sustainable policy option because the members' gains would be significantly positive, with more equitably distributed gains between members than when using other strategies. The effect on world welfare would also be positive and the negative effect on nonmembers would not be very strong. More interestingly, if the East Asian countries cooperate with Pacific Basin countries to form an APEC-level RTA, such as a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific, the extension of the regional trade bloc might be considered a more desirable policy option than the proposed East Asian RTAs for East Asian economies, even though countries excluded from the free trade area of the Asia Pacific are worse off. [source]