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Terror
Kinds of Terror Terms modified by Terror Selected AbstractsPost-Soviet Hauntology: Cultural Memory of the Soviet TerrorCONSTELLATIONS: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CRITICAL AND DEMOCRATIC THEORY, Issue 1 2009Alexander Etkind First page of article [source] 911, or Modernity and TerrorCONSTELLATIONS: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CRITICAL AND DEMOCRATIC THEORY, Issue 1 2002Agnes Heller First page of article [source] Israeli Kindergarten Teachers Cope With Terror and War: Two Implicit Models of ResilienceCURRICULUM INQUIRY, Issue 1 2007DAVID BRODY ABSTRACT The resilience of teachers in the face of terror was examined in a narrative study of two Israeli kindergarten teachers over the course of one school year. During this time, there occurred frequent terror attacks as well as the threat of impending war with Iraq and the concomitant threat of chemical warfare. Each teacher's unique pattern of coping based on her own personal theory of resilience was examined. One teacher actively processed with her students stressful news items that the children had encountered. This was based on her belief that children would become more resilient if they had experience dealing with stress in a mediated fashion. The second teacher chose to create what she perceived to be a comfort zone for her students by actively avoiding open discussion about stressful events. She chose to focus on enhancing self-esteem, self-efficacy, and optimism, which she believed would produce greater resilience in her students. In developing these personal resilience theories, both teachers were able to move out of a paralyzed position that is typical of crisis and the immediate posttraumatic period, and move into active coping, thereby incorporating their unique theories of resilience into their personal professional knowledge. These practices were examined in light of current resilience theory. [source] Dreams of Glory: The Sources of Apocalyptic Terror by Richard K. FennDIALOG, Issue 1 2009Thomas W. Martin No abstract is available for this article. [source] Witch Craze: Terror and Fantasy in Baroque Germany Edited by Lyndal RoperGENDER & HISTORY, Issue 2 2006SARAH FERBER No abstract is available for this article. [source] The ,New War' on Terror, Cosmopolitanism and the ,Just War' RevivalGOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 1 2008Helen Dexter The post-Cold War era has seen the return of the ,good war' and a move away from legal pacifism , the control of war through international law , to ,just war' theorizing. This article is concerned with the re-legitimization of warfare witnessed within the post-Cold War security paradigm that is being justified via humanitarian claims. It aims to highlight the difficult relationship that has developed since the commencement of the Bush administration's ,war on terror' between the cosmopolitan beliefs of those who have long argued for legal and legitimate humanitarian intervention, and the cosmopolitanism being espoused by the neo-conservatives of the Bush administration and the Project for the New American Century. [source] In and Out of Terror: The Vertigo of SecularizationHYPATIA, Issue 1 2003MARÍA PÍA LARA The key concept is "vertigo of secularization." It relates to the fears that societies experience when understanding the need to ground their political orders as separated from religion. The erosion of values produces vertigos around the world. We need to understand better these kinds of processes because only by doing so can we keep that fear and violence from taking precedence over the hard working tasks of building up a global political community. [source] Nothing to Fear but Fear: Governmentality and the Biopolitical Production of Terror,INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 4 2009François Debrix Moving beyond the political framework of both Hobbes and Schmitt that privileges a centralization of power as a way of dealing with the fear of violent death, this article turns to Foucault's discourses of war, power over life, and governmentality to illuminate the contemporary reproductive potential of fear in exercises of preservation of life in society. The decentralization of fear and power in governmentalized modernity encourages various public agents/agencies to mobilize the specter of danger, threat, insecurity, or enmity to normalize populations. This article reflects on the effects of this (re)productive mobilization of fear and emphasizes the proliferation of dispositifs of terror that engender a fear of not being able to live one's normal life. [source] From September 11th, 2001 to 9-11: From Void to Crisis,INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 3 2009Jack Holland This paper draws on interviews conducted in the days and weeks after the events of September 11th, 2001, analyzing the transition from "September 11th, 2001" to "9-11." That is, from the discursive void that immediately followed the acts of terrorism in New York, Virginia and Pennsylvania to the apparently self-evident crisis that the events came to represent in the following days and weeks. First, the paper redresses persistent oversights of discourse-oriented work by recognizing and investigating both the agency of the US general public and the context that official responses were articulated in. Second, the paper serves to denaturalize the construction of 9-11 as crisis, questioning the first and pre-requisite stage of the emerging discourse of the "War on Terror." Theorizing void, crisis and their relationship enables an understanding of how the War on Terror was possible and opens a critical space for its contestation. [source] Imperial Warfare in the Naked City,Sociality as Critical InfrastructureINTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 3 2008Ronnie D. Lipschutz The Global War on Terror (GWOT), framed as conflict with groups and individuals determined to disrupt and destroy "critical infrastructures," is heavily dependent on technological and psychological discourses and practices to find terrorists and their plots., These methods seek to protect the material "backbone" of contemporary society and to detect those individuals whose capabilities might progress to action. Yet, the social nature of all action suggests that "critical infrastructure is people," and that surveillance cannot, by itself, determine who might act and who will not. The ultimate purpose and effect of the GWOT is better understood as involving the transformation of individual mentalities, so that "heretical" thoughts and practices become impossible. [source] Governing Terror: The State of Emergency of Biopolitical EmergenceINTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2007MICHAEL DILLON This paper argues that western security practices are as biopolitical as they are geopolitical. Explaining that biopolitical security practices revolve around "life" as species existence, the paper explores how biopoliticized security practices secure by instantiating a general economy of the contingent throughout all the processes of reproductive circulation that impinge upon species existence. For this reason, "Governing Terror" does not merely reference the massive global security effort that is now devoted to governing terror. It observes how western security practices are themselves now also governed by a widespread fear of terror. It locates that fear in the way that western biopolitics has long adopted "the contingent" as its principle of formation. Here, "the real" is understood and experienced differently, as a general economy of emergence: "life" understood as constant nonlinear adaptation and change. The paper concludes that the state of emergency, which governs western politics of security at the beginning of the twenty-first century is not that of Carl Schmitt or Giorgio Agamben. The state of emergency which governs western security politics is the emergency of emergent life itself. [source] U.S. Grand Strategy Following the George W. Bush PresidencyINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 4 2009David C. Ellis Debates over U.S. grand strategy have devoted a disproportionate level of attention to the War on Terror itself rather than the evolving strategic environment. Challenges including an impending shift in the balance of power, structural deficits, and divided public opinion will significantly impact the policy options available to government leaders, but they have not been adequately addressed. This article analyzes the options available for U.S. grand strategy following the George W. Bush presidency by relating key U.S. national interests with domestic and international policy constraints on the horizon. The analysis concludes that the United States must adopt a defensive grand strategy to rebuild popular consensus, to prevent further strain on the military, and to consolidate its gains in Iraq and Afghanistan. However, this strategy will require flexible coalitions, not formal international organizations, because of a significant divergence of security interests and capabilities with its European allies. [source] Incubators of Terror: Do Failed and Failing States Promote Transnational Terrorism?INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2008James A. Piazza A growing body of scholars and policymakers have raised concerns that failed and failing states pose a danger to international security because they produce conditions under which transnational terrorist groups can thrive. This study devises an empirical test of this proposition, along with counter-theories, using simple descriptive statistics and a time-series, cross-national negative binomial analysis of 197 countries from 1973 to 2003. It finds that states plagued by chronic state failures are statistically more likely to host terrorist groups that commit transnational attacks, have their nationals commit transnational attacks, and are more likely to be targeted by transnational terrorists themselves. [source] Constructing Foreign Policy Crises: Interpretive Leadership in the Cold War and War on TerrorismINTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2007Wesley W. Widmaier Over the past century, crises have often driven shifts in U.S. foreign policy, as a liberal tradition has been permissive of varying tendencies to isolationism, pragmatism, or a crusading internationalism. While materialist analyses emphasize the impacts of crises on the capabilities of state and societal agents, they obscure the role of agents in interpreting crises. In this paper, I therefore offer a constructivist analysis, stressing the role of presidential rhetoric in the construction of crises as events which legitimate shifts between variants of the American liberal tradition and definitions of the national interest. I specifically examine interpretations of the Cold War and War on Terror offered in the March 1947 Truman Doctrine speech and September 2001 Bush Doctrine speech. Truman and Bush each reinterpreted international challenges as pertaining to "ways of life," transforming security and partisan debates in ways that delegitimated isolationism. In sum, this analysis highlights the enduring traditions and mass understandings which can themselves constrain elite debates. [source] The Politics of Folly: Mis-Applying Financial Tools in the War on TerrorINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2008Michael Turner No abstract is available for this article. [source] Unipolarity, Globalization, and the War on Terror: Why Security Studies Should Refocus on Comparative Defense,INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2007Damon Coletta Changes in the international environment such as the shift toward unipolarity, the rise of globalization, and the expansion of terrorist networks have redefined the sorts of problems confronted by policymakers and military practitioners in the arena of national security. With most of its fundamental concepts and frameworks rooted in the study of international relations (IR), the field of security studies has failed to keep up. Highly educated soldiers and diplomats sent to help rebuild failed or fragmented states are still poorly equipped to identify major obstacles or formulate solutions for accomplishing their missions. The safety of states and societies today depends less exclusively on blocking the military, economic, and ideological initiatives of a foreign power and more on supporting the integrity of members that can participate in an international system regulated by generally agreed-upon rules and conventions. The need to help various types of states under a variety of cultural and economic conditions build legitimate, durable political institutions and functioning societies should push security studies toward a broader examination of comparative politics. Beyond the balance of power and modalities of interstate competition, the new security studies should embrace fundamentals found outside of IR to make more robust intellectual contributions to the examination of comparative defense. [source] Terror Strikes the Heart,September 11, 2001JOURNAL OF CLINICAL HYPERTENSION, Issue 1 2002DPhil, Thomas G. Pickering MD No abstract is available for this article. [source] Institutional Vulnerablity and Opportunity: Immigration and America's "War on Terror"LAW & SOCIAL INQUIRY, Issue 4 2006Elizabeth Heger Boyle New legal realism focuses on the complexity of individual action and the view of law from the "bottom-up." Neoinstitutionalism also suggests that rational-actor models are too simplistic, but spotlights enduring historical effects on individual action and thus tends to view the world from the "top-down." In this article, we seek to marry the two disparate approaches by centering on moments of institutional vulnerability and opportunity when a system can change or be redefined. The terrorist attacks on September 11 provided a unique opportunity for institutional change. Policymakers seized this opportunity to introduce reforms into American immigration law that fundamentally altered how that law is administered. The implications of these legal reforms were to group many migrants into the category of potential "terrorist" and to make it increasingly difficult for any migrant to claim "victim" status. Immigrants responded to these reforms by refraining from public criticism of the United States and by becoming American citizens. We discuss the potential implications of those actions on the institution of citizenship. [source] Are We Trapped in the War on Terror?MIDDLE EAST POLICY, Issue 4 2006Ian Lustick [source] America and the War on TerrorMIDDLE EAST POLICY, Issue 4 2001William B. Quandt [source] Silence on the Mountain: Stories of Terror, Betrayal, and Forgetting in GuatemalaAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 3 2004W. GEORGE LOVELL No abstract is available for this article. [source] Shipboard Maintenance: What Do Surface Warfare Officers Need to Know,and When Do They Need to Know It?NAVAL ENGINEERS JOURNAL, Issue 2 2008KENNETH R. SYDOW As the Navy has moved into the 21st century and the War on Terror has unfolded, the challenges to ship maintenance management have never been greater. These challenges include: a continuing high operating tempo compounded by less predictable schedules and coupled with fewer, shorter scheduled opportunities to conduct maintenance; a fleet of fewer albeit more capable,and therefore more complex,ships; a trend toward smaller, perhaps less stable crews to operate and maintain the ships; and continuing competition for the available budget dollars between operations and maintenance, as well as between current and future readiness concerns. In an era of "operations focused maintenance," what is the role of the Surface Warfare Officer (SWO) in managing their shipboard maintenance? What do they need to know, and when do they need to know it? This paper addresses these questions and related issues and offers, where applicable, some near-term and long-term recommendations for improvement. [source] US Is Not World's Policeman, Just Keeping Terror at BayNEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2002Donald Rumsfeld No abstract is available for this article. [source] Hollywood and the War Against TerrorNEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2002Jack Valenti First page of article [source] The Politics of Antiracism & Social Justice: The Perspective of a Human Rights Network in the U.S. SouthNORTH AMERICAN DIALOGUE (ELECTRONIC), Issue 2 2008Faye V. Harrison Abstract: Since 9/11 the sociopolitical and legal climate of the country has deteriorated, engendering a moral panic over national security and intensifying a longstanding trend of violating the human rights of a portion of the citizenry and immigrant population. These segments of the populace lived under de facto conditions of a police state long before the War on Terror and the USA Patriot Act. This repression implicates the War on Drugs and a racially- and class-biased system of criminal (in)justice with which Homeland Security intersects. Problems such as these have attracted the attention of both social scientists and activists mobilizing for social justice. Among the latter is a southeastern network of human rights organizers who map their region as part of the Global South. A multiracial group organized around the vision of three African American women, the Southern Human Rights Organizers Network promotes consciousness and praxis shaped by the vernacularization of international human rights discourse and the reclamation of the history of African American and broader Afro-Atlantic struggles for expanding the terms of what it means to be human. [source] Legitimizing the "War on Terror": Political Myth in Official-Level RhetoricPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 3 2010Joanne Esch This paper argues that mythical discourse affects political practice by imbuing language with power, shaping what people consider to be legitimate, and driving the determination to act. Drawing on Bottici's (2007) philosophical understanding of political myth as a process of work on a common narrative that answers the human need to ground events in significance, it contributes to the study of legitimization in political discourse by examining the role of political myth in official-level U.S. war rhetoric. It explores how two ubiquitous yet largely invisible political myths, American Exceptionalism and Civilization vs. Barbarism, which have long defined America's ideal image of itself and its place in the world, have become staples in the language of the "War on Terror." Through a qualitative analysis of the content of over 50 official texts containing lexical triggers of the two myths, this paper shows that senior officials of the Bush Administration have rhetorically accessed these mythical representations of the world in ways that legitimize and normalize the practices of the "War on Terror." [source] World Risk Society and War Against TerrorPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 2 2005Keith Spence I interpret the ,war against terror', declared following September 11 2001, as adopting concepts drawn from the work of Ulrich Beck, as a projection of world risk society. Despite its global character, war against terror is constructed through outmoded vocabularies of national security and sovereignty, within which the reasoned negotiation of risk is marginalized. This exclusion contributes to the intensification rather than reduction of terror and terrorism. In so doing the moment of violence inscribed within the concept of the political resurfaces in the constitution of war against terror, Homeland Security, and the identities and anxieties that they reproduce. Contrary to Slavoj ,i,ek's claim that risk society is incapable of resolving the dilemmas that it exposes, Beck's approach cuts across established ideological and methodological boundaries, anticipating key transformations of discourse required to address the prevailing global predicament through the vocabularies and logic of cosmopolitan risk, rather than those of absolute security, terror and war. [source] Post-revolutionary State Building in Ethiopia, Iran and Nicaragua: Lessons from TerrorPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 5 2000Rosemary H. T. O'Kane This paper focuses on an earlier theorized critical stage of revolution, the Reign of Terror which is redefined with summary justice as its essence and employed in a comparative analysis of three modern revolutions, Ethiopia, Iran and Nicaragua. The analysis demonstrates the importance of national factors over international factors in explaining post-revolutionary state construction. A reign of terror is an extemporized state; it is not an inevitable stage of revolution. Comparison of Ethiopia and Iran, where terrors occurred, is contrasted with Nicaragua, where a reign of terror was avoided. This reveals the significance for post-revolutionary state construction of the timing and outcome of civil war, of domestic policy choices constrained by circumstances directly encountered and of state control over new, revolutionary, means of coercion. [source] The Matador's Cape: America's Reckless Response to Terror , By Stephen HolmesPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2008Yannis A. Stivachtis No abstract is available for this article. [source] Addressing Political and Racial Terror in the Therapeutic RelationshipAMERICAN JOURNAL OF ORTHOPSYCHIATRY, Issue 1 2005Pratyusha Tummala-Narra PhD Political and racial terror have important implications for the process of psychotherapy. This type of trauma can have unique effects on individual psychology and the larger social context of patients' lives that are distinct from other types of interpersonal trauma. Several intrapsychic processes, such as one's experience of mirroring, fear of annihilation, identification and internalization of aggression, the collective remembering of trauma, and subsequent mourning, are transformed through one's experiences of political and racial terror. Clinical illustrations of 2 patients treated in psychotherapy before and after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, elaborate these effects of political and racial trauma. The implications of addressing these types of traumatic experience in psychotherapy, including issues of therapeutic neutrality, are discussed. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||