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Territorial State (territorial + state)
Selected AbstractsInsularity, Sovereignty and Statehood: The Representation of Islands on Portolan Charts and The Construction of The Territorial StateGEOGRAFISKA ANNALER SERIES B: HUMAN GEOGRAPHY, Issue 4 2005Philip E. Steinberg Abstract This article investigates the cartographic origins of the idea that the territorial state is a unified, bounded, homogeneous and naturally occurring entity, in a world of equivalent but unique entities. It is noted that this image of the territorial state closely resembles the representation of islands on sixteenth-century portolan charts, and this suggests a historical link between the Renaissance-era imagination of islands and the modern imagination of states. The article posits that the concept of territorial unity and boundedness, which appeared on portolan charts to signify islands as obstacles amidst maritime routes of movement, migrated in the late sixteenth-century to form the basis for representing the emergent concept of the territorial state. It is suggested that the conceptual and aesthetic links between these representations of islands and states has led to an ongoing dilemma for those who seek to comprehend (or cartographically represent) islands that are divided between multiple states. [source] Genoa and Livorno: Sixteenth and Seventeenth-century Commercial Rivalry as a Stimulus to Policy DevelopmentHISTORY, Issue 281 2001Thomas Kirk During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, while Genoa was at the height of its colonial expansion, Livorno was little more than a fishing village. The Genoese had assembled a territorial state in Liguria, taken the island of Corsica and, as early as 1277, were sending ships directly to England and Flanders. All the while Livorno was merely a malaria-infested appendix of Porto Pisano. Over the course of the sixteenth century, however, Livorno grew by leaps and bounds and by the end of the century concerns over the Tuscan city's growing importance as a commercial port had become a conditioningfactor in the establishment of Genoese maritime policy. The concern was well founded. An ever-greater portion of trade in the western Mediterranean was to gravitate to Livorno during the seventeenth century, threatening to transform Genoa into a commercial satellite. The Republic of Genoa did not hesitate to react, and the subsequent rivalry between the two ports provided the principal stimulus in the experimentation of innovative fiscal policies in both cities and to the development of the modern free port. Indeed, the free port as it is known today, namely a specific port or area within a port where goods may transit duty free, emerged as the policies of the two cities slowly converged, formulating a single response to differing historical contingencies. [source] Growing Sovereignty: Modeling the Shift from Indirect to Direct RuleINTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2010Lars-Erik Cederman Drawing on theories of historical sociology, we model the emergence of the territorial state in early modern Europe. Our modeling effort focuses on systems change with respect to the shift from indirect to direct rule. We first introduce a one-dimensional model that captures the tradeoff between organizational and geographic distances. In a second step, we present an agent-based model that features states with a varying number of organizational levels. This model explicitly represents causal mechanisms of conquest and internal state-building through organizational bypass processes. The computational findings confirm our hypothesis that technological change is sufficient to trigger the emergence of modern, direct-state hierarchies. Our theoretical findings indicate that the historical transformation from indirect to direct rule presupposes a logistical, rather than the commonly assumed exponential, form of the loss-of-strength gradient. [source] Liberal nationalism and the sovereign territorial ideal1NATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 1 2006GENEVIÈVE NOOTENS ABSTRACT. Even if most liberals nowadays recognise that liberalism depends on some nationalist justification of popular sovereignty and state boundaries, they still underestimate the consequences of the fact that the sovereign territorial ideal is at the heart of the modern state. Therefore, their normative stance either oscillates between fairness and stability requirements (Kymlicka) or is built on a distinction between self-rule and self-determination that contradicts the normative import of the modern idea of the nation (Tamir). However, there exist counter-traditions that may be helpful in challenging the assumption on behalf of the sovereign territorial state. National cultural autonomy is one of these; it is used here to show how starting from different premises, one may escape the ,statist assumption' and work out a political framework which would be fairer to minorities. [source] | ||||||||||