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Spanish Speakers (spanish + speakers)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Medical Sciences60%
Humanities and Social Sciences40%

Selected Abstracts

On the Background and Motivation of Students in a Beginning Spanish Program

FOREIGN LANGUAGE ANNALS, Issue 5 2002
Article first published online: 9 SEP 2010, Paul B. Mandell
ABSTRACT: A number of recent articles have examined the motivation, purpose of study, and demographics of first- and second-year language learners of French or Spanish (see, e.g., Ossipov, 2000; Rava, 2000; Voght, 2000; Wen, 1997) This study surveyed the make-up of a sample of first-and second-year university-level Spanish learners at a major postsecondary institution in a city with a substantial, growing population of monolingual and bilingual Spanish speakers. The results of the survey were used to address questions about learner preparation prior to entering a four-year university course of study, preferred and desired activities in the current curriculum, and motivations for the study of Spanish. Generalizations about the nature of the typical learner in this context and the implications of the appreciation of and desire for grammar-related and communicative activities , as expressed by the respondents , in the contemporary liberal arts curriculum are discussed. [source]

Language and Regional Differences in Evaluations of Medicare Managed Care by Hispanics

HEALTH SERVICES RESEARCH, Issue 2 2008
Robert Weech-Maldonado
Objectives. This study uses the Consumer Assessments of Healthcare Providers and Systems (CAHPS®) survey to examine the experiences of Hispanics enrolled in Medicare managed care. Evaluations of care are examined in relationship to primary language (English or Spanish) and region of the country. Data Sources. CAHPS 3.0 Medicare managed care survey data collected in 2002. Study Design. The dependent variables consist of five CAHPS multi-item scales measuring timeliness of care, provider communication, office staff helpfulness, getting needed care, and health plan customer service. The main independent variables are Hispanic primary language (English or Spanish) and region (California, Florida, New York/New Jersey, and other states). Ordinary least squares regression is used to model the effect of Hispanic primary language and region on CAHPS scales, controlling for age, gender, education, and self-rated health. Data Collection/Extraction Methods. The analytic sample consists of 125,369 respondents (82 percent response rate) enrolled in 181 Medicare managed care plans across the U.S. Of the 125,369 respondents, 8,463 (7 percent) were self-identified as Hispanic. The survey was made available in English and Spanish, and 1,353 Hispanics completed one in Spanish. Principal Findings. Hispanic English speakers had less favorable reports of care than whites for all dimensions of care except provider communication. Hispanic Spanish speakers reported more negative experiences than whites with timeliness of care, provider communication, and office staff helpfulness, but better reports of care for getting needed care. Spanish speakers in all regions except Florida had less favorable scores than English-speaking Hispanics for provider communication and office staff helpfulness, but more positive assessments for getting needed care. There were greater regional variations in CAHPS scores among Hispanic Spanish speakers than among Hispanic English speakers. Spanish speakers in Florida had more positive experiences than Spanish speakers in other regions for most dimensions of care. Conclusions. Hispanics in Medicare managed care face barriers to care; however, their experiences with care vary by language and region. Spanish speakers (except FL) have less favorable experiences with provider communication and office staff helpfulness than their English-speaking counterparts, suggesting language barriers in the clinical encounter. On the other hand, Spanish speakers reported more favorable experiences than their English-speaking counterparts with the managed care aspects of their care (getting needed care and plan customer service). Medicare managed care plans need to address the observed disparities in patient experiences among Hispanics as part of their quality improvement efforts. Plans can work with their network providers to address issues related to timeliness of care and office staff helpfulness. In addition, plans can provide incentives for language services, which have the potential to improve communication with providers and staff among Spanish speakers. Finally, health plans can reduce the access barriers faced by Hispanics, especially among English speakers. [source]

The Latinization of the Central Shenandoah Valley

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 1 2008
Laura Zarrugh
Virginia is among a number of southern states in the United States, such as North Carolina, Arkansas and Georgia, which have experienced a sudden growth in Latino immigration during the past decade. Not only is the volume of growth unprecedented, but many of the destinations are new and located in rural areas. Places that have not hosted immigrant populations for generations are quickly becoming multicultural. The small city of Harrisonburg (population 43,500 according to the 2005 estimate), which is located in the rural Central Shenandoah Valley of Virginia, is perhaps the premier example of this new pattern of change. While local advertising once promoted Harrisonburg for its "99.2% American-born and 93.7% white" population, the area today holds the distinction of hosting the most diverse public school enrollment in the state (in 2006-2007), with students from 64 countries who speak 44 languages. Among them are Spanish speakers from at least 14 different countries. Drawing on social network theory, the paper examines how social networks among Latino immigrants become activated in new settlement areas. It presents a case history of the historic process of "Latinization" involving the settlement of a number of diverse Latino populations (from Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Cuba and Uruguay) in Harrisonburg and the surrounding Central Shenandoah Valley. The study demonstrates how a number of key institutions, including local agricultural industries (apples and poultry), a refugee resettlement office and churches recruited "pioneers" from these immigrant groups to the area and how "pioneers" subsequently engaged in further social network recruitment, thus creating multiple transnational "daughter communities" in the Harrisonburg area. The policy implications of this historical process are explored. Au même titre que la Caroline du Nord, l'Arkansas et la Georgie, la Virginie est l'un de ces Etats du sud des Etats-Unis qui ont été témoins d'une poussée soudaine de l'immigration latino-américaine au cours de la dernière décennie. Non seulement il s'agit d'un rythme de croissance sans précédent, mais bon nombre de destinations choisies sont nouvelles et situées en zone rurale. Des lieux qui n'avaient pas accueilli de population immigrée depuis des générations prennent brusquement un caractère multiculturel. La petite ville de Harrisonburg (43 500 habitants selon un décompte approximatif de 2005), qui est située dans la vallée centrale de Shenandoah, en Virginie, est peut-être le principal exemple de cette nouvelle évolution. Alors qu'elle se vantait autrefois d'être composée d'Américains de souche à hauteur de 99,2% et d'être blanche à 93,7%, cette ville se distingue aujourd'hui par la plus grande diversité d'origine des enfants scolarisés à l'échelle de l'Etat (pour la période 2006-2007), puisqu'on y dénombre 64 nationalités parlant 44 langues. On y trouve notamment des hispanophones originaires d'au moins 14 pays différents. A partir de la théorie des réseaux sociaux, l'auteur examine comment ces réseaux se sont activés chez les immigrants latino-américains dans les nouvelles zones d'installation. Il présente un historique du processus de "latinisation", en citant notamment l'installation de populations latino-américaines diverses (originaires du Mexique, du Guatemala, d'El Salvador, du Honduras, de Cuba et d'Uruguay) à Harrisonburg et dans la vallée centrale Shenandoah entourant cette ville. L'auteur montre comment un certain nombre d'institutions clés, et notamment les industries agricoles locales (pommeraies et élevages de poulets), un bureau de réinstallation de réfugiés et des églises ont recruté des "pionniers" au sein de ces groupes d'immigrants, et comment ces "pionniers" ont par la suite poursuivi cette action de recrutement à l'aide de réseaux sociaux, créant ainsi de multiples "communautés affiliées" transnationales dans la région de Harrisonburg. L'étude examine aussi les implications politiques de ce processus historique. Virginia es uno de los estados sureños de los Estados Unidos, al igual que Carolina del Norte, Arkansas y Georgia, que ha experimentado un incremento repentino de la inmigración latina durante el último decenio. No sólo se trata de un incremento sin precedentes, si no que además los destinos son nuevos y localizados en zonas rurales. Estos lugares que no han albergado a poblaciones inmigrantes durante generaciones se están convirtiendo rápidamente en entornos multiculturales. La pequeña ciudad de Harrisonburg (con 43.500 habitantes según el censo de 2005), está localizada en el valle rural central de Shenadoah en Virginia, y es quizás el primer ejemplo de este nuevo patrón de cambio. Si bien la publicidad local promocionaba a Harrisonburg porque sus habitantes eran "99,2 por ciento nacidos en América y 93,7 por ciento blancos" hoy en día se destaca por albergar la población más diversa inscrita en los colegios públicos del Estado (entre 2006 y 2007), con estudiantes provenientes de 64 países que hablan 44 idiomas. Entre ellos están estudiantes de habla hispana provenientes de por lo menos 14 países distintos. Sobre la base de la teoría de redes sociales, este artículo examina redes sociales entre los inmigrantes latinos que se activan en nuevas zonas de asentamiento. Se presenta un estudio por caso de un proceso histórico de "latinización" que implica el asentamiento de toda una variedad de poblaciones latinas de "México, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Cuba y Uruguay" en Harrisonburg y el valle central aledaño de Shenandoah. El estudio demuestra cómo una serie de instituciones clave,- incluidas las industrias agrícolas locales (manzanos y avicultura), una oficina de reasentamiento de refugiados y las iglesias - reclutaron a los "pioneros" de estos grupos de inmigrantes en la región y cómo esos "pioneros" entablaron ulteriormente el reclutamiento a nivel de su red social, creando "comunidades hermanas" transnacionales y múltiples en la región de Harrisonburg. También se examinan las repercusiones políticas de este proceso histórico. [source]

Testing equivalence of Spanish and English versions: The LaMonica,Oberst (revised) patient satisfaction with nursing care scale,

RESEARCH IN NURSING & HEALTH, Issue 6 2002
Jean W. Lange
Abstract Despite recent emphasis on outcome measurement and an increasing proportion of Spanish speakers in the United States, most patient satisfaction studies exclude Spanish-speaking participants because Spanish versions of instruments are not available. A Spanish translation of the 15-item LaMonica,Oberst Patient Satisfaction Scale, completed by 64 Spanish-speaking patients living in the northeast and of predominantly Puerto Rican ancestry, produced two factors explaining 86.3% of score variation (,=.94 and .58). Evidence for equivalence to the English version and concurrent validity is presented. Generalizability and decision studies indicate that four additional items are needed on the dissatisfaction subscale to attain an acceptable dependability coefficient. © 2002 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Res Nurs Health 25:438,451, 2002. [source]