Home About us Contact
|
Home About us Contact | ||
|
|
||
Soft Power (soft + power)
Selected AbstractsSoft Power: American Military Families AbroadDIPLOMATIC HISTORY, Issue 3 2008Laura Mcenaney First page of article [source] The Decline of America's Soft Power in the United Nations1INTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 3 2009Monti Narayan Datta To what extent does anti-Americanism precipitate a decline in America's soft power? Nye postulates a negative relationship, presenting substantial implications for the U.S. national interest. In this paper, I test Nye's hypothesis through an examination of America's political influence within the United Nations. Using a fixed effects model, I regress voting alignment within the UN General Assembly (UNGA) on cross-national, aggregate public opinion toward the United States from 1985 to 2007. Controlling for foreign aid received and alliances with the United States, I find a statistically significant, positive relationship between favorable attitudes toward the United States and voting alignment within the UNGA on overall plenary votes and those votes for which the U.S. lobbies other UN-member states extensively. At the same time, controlling for temporal effects, states are far less supportive of U.S. interests in the UN throughout the tenure of President George W. Bush, capturing the effect of "anti-Bushism" in addition to anti-Americanism. The results of this study shed light on an emerging area of the literature that not only studies the sources of anti-Americanism, but also its consequences. [source] Soft Power and State,Firm Diplomacy: Congress and IT Corporate Activity in ChinaINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 3 2009Jade Miller In today's globalized political economy, diplomacy between nation-states (state,state diplomacy) now exists alongside state,firm diplomacy, the negotiations between multinational corporations (MNCs) and the countries in which they do business. While the state must be committed to the interests of its MNCs in the interest of domestic state,firm diplomacy (maintaining a supportive business environment), it still has recourse to address failures in corporate diplomacy and to maintain the appearance of dominance on the world stage. This paper examined these strategies through a critical analysis of prepared testimony at the February 2006 congressional hearing regarding the controversial actions of four U.S. IT MNCs (Google, Microsoft, Yahoo, and Cisco) operating in China. I conclude that when the government is constrained from using its hard power on its MNCs, soft power becomes its most effective tool. Image, suggestion, and appearance,soft power,can be considered more important than legislation itself,hard power,and perhaps even the currency of current state,firm relations. [source] Political Communication in a European Public Space: Language, the Internet and Understanding as Soft Power,JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 2 2008RICHARD ROSE This article demonstrates that the European Union's linguistic diversity policy is a barrier to greater popular participation in a European public space. It sets out three political communication models: elite discourse, aggregative democracy and deliberation in a European public space; each has different linguistic requirements. It presents survey evidence showing that Europeans are ,voting with their mouths' for a single lingua franca, resulting in English as a foreign language (EFL) becoming the most widely understood language in the EU and its use on the internet for transnational as well as domestic communication. More than one-third of Europeans now have the basic prerequisites for participation in a European public space: they are internet users and know the lingua franca of Europe, EFL. The EU's linguistic diversity policy is even more a barrier for participation in a global public space in which EFL is now the lingua franca of Asia and other continents. It concludes that knowledge of EFL does not confer soft power on Anglophones but on Europeans using it in interactions with monoglot American and English speakers. [source] The Rise and Fall of America's Soft PowerNEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2005NATHAN GARDELS First page of article [source] U.S. Soft Power and the "China Threat": Multilevel AnalysesASIAN POLITICS AND POLICY, Issue 3 2010Satoshi Machida This study investigates the impact of U.S. "soft power" in the international system. Specifically, it examines how American soft power affects individuals' perceptions of the "China threat." Based on the theoretical model developed by Rousseau (2006), the present research considers how citizens develop their perceptions of China in relation to the United States. Multilevel analyses relying on the Pew Global Attitudes Project 2007 verify the view highlighting the compatibility of these two states in the international system. The analyses find that the diffusion of U.S. soft power in each state significantly reduces the urgency of the China threat. Implications from this study contribute to our understanding of U.S-China relations in rapidly changing international environments. [source] The Decline of America's Soft Power in the United Nations1INTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 3 2009Monti Narayan Datta To what extent does anti-Americanism precipitate a decline in America's soft power? Nye postulates a negative relationship, presenting substantial implications for the U.S. national interest. In this paper, I test Nye's hypothesis through an examination of America's political influence within the United Nations. Using a fixed effects model, I regress voting alignment within the UN General Assembly (UNGA) on cross-national, aggregate public opinion toward the United States from 1985 to 2007. Controlling for foreign aid received and alliances with the United States, I find a statistically significant, positive relationship between favorable attitudes toward the United States and voting alignment within the UNGA on overall plenary votes and those votes for which the U.S. lobbies other UN-member states extensively. At the same time, controlling for temporal effects, states are far less supportive of U.S. interests in the UN throughout the tenure of President George W. Bush, capturing the effect of "anti-Bushism" in addition to anti-Americanism. The results of this study shed light on an emerging area of the literature that not only studies the sources of anti-Americanism, but also its consequences. [source] Soft Power and State,Firm Diplomacy: Congress and IT Corporate Activity in ChinaINTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 3 2009Jade Miller In today's globalized political economy, diplomacy between nation-states (state,state diplomacy) now exists alongside state,firm diplomacy, the negotiations between multinational corporations (MNCs) and the countries in which they do business. While the state must be committed to the interests of its MNCs in the interest of domestic state,firm diplomacy (maintaining a supportive business environment), it still has recourse to address failures in corporate diplomacy and to maintain the appearance of dominance on the world stage. This paper examined these strategies through a critical analysis of prepared testimony at the February 2006 congressional hearing regarding the controversial actions of four U.S. IT MNCs (Google, Microsoft, Yahoo, and Cisco) operating in China. I conclude that when the government is constrained from using its hard power on its MNCs, soft power becomes its most effective tool. Image, suggestion, and appearance,soft power,can be considered more important than legislation itself,hard power,and perhaps even the currency of current state,firm relations. [source] Political Communication in a European Public Space: Language, the Internet and Understanding as Soft Power,JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 2 2008RICHARD ROSE This article demonstrates that the European Union's linguistic diversity policy is a barrier to greater popular participation in a European public space. It sets out three political communication models: elite discourse, aggregative democracy and deliberation in a European public space; each has different linguistic requirements. It presents survey evidence showing that Europeans are ,voting with their mouths' for a single lingua franca, resulting in English as a foreign language (EFL) becoming the most widely understood language in the EU and its use on the internet for transnational as well as domestic communication. More than one-third of Europeans now have the basic prerequisites for participation in a European public space: they are internet users and know the lingua franca of Europe, EFL. The EU's linguistic diversity policy is even more a barrier for participation in a global public space in which EFL is now the lingua franca of Asia and other continents. It concludes that knowledge of EFL does not confer soft power on Anglophones but on Europeans using it in interactions with monoglot American and English speakers. [source] Influence in the Ivory Tower: Examining the Appropriate Use of Social Power in the University ClassroomJOURNAL OF APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 11 2007Steven M. Elias A study was conducted to determine how appropriate university students feel it is for professors to use varying bases of social power as a means of influence. Participants (n = 91) completed a modified version of the Interpersonal Power Inventory (Raven, Schwarzwald, & Koslowsky, 1998) and a demographic questionnaire. Students rated the use of soft power as significantly more appropriate than harsh power. Repeated-measures ANOVA indicated that informational and expert power were thought to be the most appropriate bases for professors to use, and a gender effect was observed such that female students rated the use of social power in the classroom as significantly less appropriate than did male students. Implications for university instructors and other power holders are discussed. [source] International political marketing: a case study of United States soft power and public diplomacyJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2008Henry H. Sun Political marketing can be categorized with three aspects: the election campaign as the origin of political marketing, the permanent campaign as a governing tool and international political marketing (IPM) which covers the areas of public diplomacy, marketing of nations, international political communication, national image, soft power and the cross-cultural studies of political marketing. IPM and the application of soft power have been practiced by nation-states throughout the modern history of international relations starting with the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Nation-states promote the image of their country worldwide through public diplomacy, exchange mutual interests in their bilateral or multilateral relation with other countries, lobby for their national interests in international organizations and apply cultural and political communication strategies internationally to build up their soft power. In modern international relations, nation-states achieve their foreign policy goals by applying both hard power and soft power. Public diplomacy as part of IPM is a method in the creation of soft power, as well as, in the application of soft power. This paper starts with the definitional and conceptual review of political marketing. For the first time in publication, it establishes a theoretical model which provides a framework of the three aspects of political marketing, that is electoral political marketing (EPM), governmental political marketing (GPM) and IPM. This model covers all the main political exchanges among six inter-related components in the three pairs of political exchange process, that is candidates and party versus voters and interest groups in EPM ; governments, leaders and public servants versus citizens and interest groups in GPM, including political public relations and lobbying which have been categorized as the third aspect of political marketing in some related studies; and governments, interest group and activists versus international organizations and foreign subjects in IPM. This study further develops a model of IPM, which covers its strategy and marketing mix on the secondary level of the general political marketing model, and then, the third level model of international political choice behaviour based the theory of political choice behaviour in EPM. This paper continues to review the concepts of soft power and public diplomacy and defines their relation with IPM. It then reports a case study on the soft power and public diplomacy of the United States from the perspectives of applying IPM and soft power. Under the framework of IPM, it looks at the traditional principles of US foreign policy, that is Hamiltonians, Wilsonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians, and the application of US soft power in the Iraq War since 2003. The paper advances the argument that generally all nation states apply IPM to increase their soft power. The decline of US soft power is caused mainly by its foreign policy. The unilateralism Jacksonians and realism Hamiltonians have a historical trend to emphasize hard power while neglecting soft power. Numerous reports and studies have been conducted on the pros and cons of US foreign policy in the Iraq War, which are not the focus of this paper. From the aspect of IPM, this paper studies the case of US soft power and public diplomacy, and their effects in the Iraq War. It attempts to exam the application of US public diplomacy with the key concept of political exchange, political choice behaviour, the long-term approach and the non-government operation principles of public diplomacy which is a part of IPM. The case study confirms the relations among IPM, soft power and public diplomacy and finds that lessons can be learned from these practices of IPM. The paper concludes that there is a great demand for research both at a theoretical as well as practical level for IPM and soft power. It calls for further study on this subject. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] China's "Soft" Naval Power in the Indian OceanPACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 1 2010Toshi Yoshihara For the past several years, Beijing has been attempting to "shape" the diplomatic and strategic environment in maritime Asia, projecting an image of itself as an innately trustworthy great power. As a part of this public relations campaign, Chinese leaders have retailed the story of Zheng He, the Ming Dynasty eunuch admiral who voyaged to destinations throughout the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean six centuries ago. They have touted the feats of Zheng He, who sojourned in maritime Asia without attempting military conquest, as a metaphor for China's current peaceful ascent in the maritime domain. In doing so, Beijing hopes to convince key audiences in Southeast Asia and South Asia that it remains pacific in outlook , and thus can be counted on not to abuse the sea power it is amassing. An attractive vision of China, they hope, will avert the tendency of regional states to band together to balance Chinese power. Until now, Chinese diplomats have had the luxury of telling their story how they wanted to, as deployments of China's naval forces beyond East Asia remained abstract. Beijing neither saw the need nor boasted the capacity to maintain strong forces far from Chinese shores. However, the headline-grabbing dispatch of two destroyers and a combat logistics ship to the Gulf of Aden on counter-piracy duty in late 2008 has put China squarely in the spotlight. By depicting itself as an inherently defensive power, China has set a high standard for its behavior at sea. Fellow Asian powers will hold Beijing to this lofty benchmark , measuring its actions against the storyline Chinese leaders have developed around Zheng He's voyages. Beijing's anti-piracy mission thus offers an ideal opportunity to empirically test the efficacy of Chinese soft power at sea. To this end, this paper explores the motives behind the Zheng He narrative and assesses the key messages that Chinese leaders are attempting to convey to Asian capitals. This study then examines the extent to which China's unprecedented naval presence in the Indian Ocean has dovetailed with the Zheng He storyline and with the larger strategy of easing regional misgivings about Chinese maritime power. Finally, the paper analyzes how India, a target audience, is responding to China's narrative, drawing several preliminary conclusions about the effectiveness and the prospects of Chinese soft power in the Indian Ocean. [source] U.S. Soft Power and the "China Threat": Multilevel AnalysesASIAN POLITICS AND POLICY, Issue 3 2010Satoshi Machida This study investigates the impact of U.S. "soft power" in the international system. Specifically, it examines how American soft power affects individuals' perceptions of the "China threat." Based on the theoretical model developed by Rousseau (2006), the present research considers how citizens develop their perceptions of China in relation to the United States. Multilevel analyses relying on the Pew Global Attitudes Project 2007 verify the view highlighting the compatibility of these two states in the international system. The analyses find that the diffusion of U.S. soft power in each state significantly reduces the urgency of the China threat. Implications from this study contribute to our understanding of U.S-China relations in rapidly changing international environments. [source] | ||||||||||