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Socialism
Kinds of Socialism Selected AbstractsSocialism and Intrafirm Asset AllocationEUROPEAN FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT, Issue 2 2005Petra Joerg G31; L22; M14 Abstract We rely on a survey of Swiss firms to document deviation from first-best for reasons of internal ,fairness' when allocating resources. This ,socialist' practice is more widespread in smaller than in larger firms. It ignores the reputation and past performance of the managers who apply for funding, but takes into account their hierarchical position and their past use of resources. Socialism is only partially explained by concerns about empire building and managerial optimism, and it is not meant to benefit shareholders. [source] Kafka, Critical Theory, Dialectical Theology: Adorno's Case against Hans-Joachim SchoepsGERMAN LIFE AND LETTERS, Issue 2 2010Margarete Kohlenbach ABSTRACT Theodor Adorno derived from his reading of Kafka some of the central assumptions that inform the critical theory of the Frankfurt School. He opposed theological Kafka interpretations in general, and in particular rejected Hans-Joachim Schoeps's reading of Kafka in the context of Karl Barth's dialectical theology. Adorno and Schoeps thus came to exemplify the dichotomy with which we still characterise the early reception of Kafka's work as either secular (sociological or political) or theological and religious. The disintegration of religion as a comprehensive social system in twentieth-century Germany means that writers can agree with traditional theology and religion in some regards while opposing them in others. This article argues that any unqualified adoption of the dichotomy between the secular and the religious is detrimental to our understanding of both Kafka's work and its early reception. First, the article outlines some of the major discrepancies in Kafka's heterogeneous engagements with religion. Second, it places Adorno's rejection of Schoeps's interpretation in the political context of National Socialism and the Holocaust. Finally, it compares Adorno's notion of ,inverse theology' with Schoeps's inversion of salvation history. Throughout, the article aims to ascertain the differences as well as the underlying commonalities between Adorno's and Schoeps's Kafka reception. Wesentliche Richtlinien der Kritischen Theorie der Frankfurter Schule verdanken sich der Kafka-Rezeption Adornos, die theologische Deutungen Kafkas im allgemeinen abweist und insbesondere Hans-Joachim Schoeps' Verständnis von Kafkas Werk im Kontext der Dialektischen Theologie Karl Barths verwirft. Adorno und Schoeps repräsentieren die Pole einer Dichotomie, mit der noch heute die Beiträge der frühen Kafka-Rezeption entweder als soziologisch und politisch oder als theologisch und religiös klassifiziert werden. Die Desintegration religiösen Lebens in der deutschen Gesellschaft des 20. Jahrhunderts bringt es mit sich, dass Schriftsteller in jeweils bestimmten Hinsichten traditionelle Theologie und Religion verwerfen,und,übernehmen können. Der vorliegende Beitrag argumentiert, dass jede nicht-spezifizierte Vorstellung einer Dichotomie von religiösem und weltlichem Leben und Denken aufgegeben werden muss, wenn wir Kafkas Werk und seine frühe Rezeption verstehen wollen. Der Beitrag skizziert zunächst zentrale Diskrepanzen in Kafkas heterogenen Bezugnahmen auf Religiöses. Im Anschluss stellt er Adornos Schoeps-Kritik in den politischen Kontext von Nationalsozialismus und Holocaust. Wie der Beitrag als ganzer soll der abschließende Vergleich der Begiffe ,inverse Theologie' (Adorno) und ,Unheilsgeschichte' (Schoeps) ein angemessenes Verständnis der Unterschiede und Gemeinsamkeiten in der Kafka-Deutung der beiden Autoren ermöglichen. [source] Globalization, the knowledge society, and the Network State: Poulantzas at the millenniumGLOBAL NETWORKS, Issue 1 2001Martin Carnoy In State, Power, Socialism, Nicos Poulantzas conceptualized a state that materializes and concentrates power and displaces the class struggle from the economic to the political arena. In the past twenty years, much has changed. We argue that economic relations have been transformed by economic globalization, work reorganization, and the compression of space, time, and knowledge transmission through an information and communications revolution. Knowledge is far more central to production, and the locus of the relation between power and knowledge has moved out of the nation state that was so fundamental to Poulantzas' analysis. [source] The Chinese Worker after Socialism , By William HurstGOVERNANCE, Issue 4 2010LU ZHANG First page of article [source] Municipal Neoliberalism and Municipal Socialism: Urban Political Economy in Latin AmericaINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2009BENJAMIN GOLDFRANK The following article identifies two different urban policy regimes in Latin America , neoliberal and socialist , and traces their origins to the distinct interests and capacities of local elites and activists in the region's cities in the mid-to-late twentieth century. While agricultural and commercial interests paid a high price for the growth of import-substituting industrialization, and therefore deployed free trade zones (and similar institutions) in traditional export centers in the 1960s and 1970s, their industrial rivals bore the brunt of austerity and adjustment in the free market era, and therefore adopted compensatory measures designed to increase the ,social wage' in the 1980s and 1990s. Examples are drawn from municipalities in Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Uruguay and Venezuela, and call the conventional portrait of impotent Latin American cities , and omnipotent central governments , into question. Résumé Cet article identifie deux régimes de politique urbaine différents en Amérique latine : néolibéral et socialiste. Leurs origines tiennent aux divers intérêts et moyens des élites et militants locaux dans les grandes villes régionales au cours de la seconde moitié du vingtième siècle. Si les milieux agricoles et commerciaux ont payé le prix fort de l'essor d'une industrialisation visant à remplacer les importations, et ont donc mis en place des zones de libre échange (ou des institutions similaires) dans les pôles exportateurs traditionnels au cours des années 1960,1970, leurs rivaux industriels ont porté le poids de l'austérité et de l'ajustement à l'époque de la libéralisation des marchés, adoptant par conséquent des mesures compensatoires destinées à accroître le ,salaire social' au cours des années 1980,1990. Des exemples, issus de municipalités situées au Brésil, au Mexique, en République dominicaine, en Uruguay et au Venezuela, remettent en question le tableau conventionnel des villes latino-américaines impuissantes face aux gouvernements centraux omnipotents. [source] Between reform and inertia: Bolivia's employment and social protection policies over the past 20 yearsINTERNATIONAL LABOUR REVIEW, Issue 3 2009Fernanda WANDERLEY Abstract. With the coming to power in 2006 of Evo Morales' Movement Toward Socialism, Bolivia entered a new stage in its history: a period of ambitious political and economic reform aiming to transcend the neo-liberal development model in place since 1985 and to renew the State on the basis of its new Constitution, drawn up in 2008. Against this background, this article examines changes in labour law and social protection during the 1980s and 1990s and takes stock of the challenges of implementing a development strategy focusing on full employment and equity. [source] Corruption, Productivity and SocialismKYKLOS INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, Issue 2 2003Geoffrey Wyatt Summary The level of productivity is correlated across countries with measures of (lack of) corruption, but this appears to be due to a common association of these variables with measures of civil infrastructure, here measured by a combination of governance indexes labelled ,rule of law' and ,government effectiveness'. New instruments based on the size- and spatial-distributions of cities within the countries of the world were constructed in order to explore the causal relationships between civil infrastructure and productivity. Civil infrastructure accounts for a substantial fraction of the global variation in output per worker across countries. Within this empirical pattern there is a systematic deviation associated with the current and former socialist states, which have both lower productivity and inferior civil infrastructure than would be predicted for otherwise similar non-socialist states. However, for a given level of the index of civil infrastructure these states are also shown to have a higher level of productivity than otherwise similar non-socialist states. The unconditionally low productivity of socialist states is attributed entirely to the indirectly deleterious effects that socialism had on civil infrastructure, which more than offset its directly positive effect on output. [source] Public Good, Private Protections: Competing Values in German Transplantation LawLAW & POLICY, Issue 2 2002Linda Hogle Organ transplantation has become almost routine practice in many industrialized countries. Policy, ethical, and legal debates tend to center on fairness of allocation rules or alternatives to promote greater numbers of donations. There are also certain beliefs about the use of bodily materials that are often presumed to be homogenous across Euro,American societies. In Germany, however, the idea of using the bodies of some for the good of others, and the right to proclaim some bodies dead for large,scale medical and political purposes is highly charged. This is due to the historical context of medical experimentation, selection, and euthanasia under National Socialism, and the former East German socialist policies which intervened in the private lives and bodies of citizens. This article is based on an ethnography of organ procurement practices during the period when German policymakers struggled with writing a transplant law. Active public resistance revealed deep concern about state intervention in private matters and amplified the growing unrest over definitions of moral community in a changing, post,reunification society. The article shows how public disputes about health policy become a way through which societies deal with other social conflicts. [source] Contradictions, Law, and State SocialismLAW & SOCIAL INQUIRY, Issue 4 2000Joachim J. Savelsberg The relationship of law to antagonisms and contradictions within state socialism is explored from a Weberian and a Marxian perspective. Examining legislation, court decision making, legal control of economic behavior, and law enforcement reveals contradictions between (I) a radical participatory ideology versus muted or extinct civil society; (2) the ideology of comprehensive planning versus the impotence of law; (3) strategies aiming at total control of public life versus the emergence of a niche society outside the reach of the state; (4) regulatory norms versus the functional necessity of norm-breaking behavior; (5) reliance on a revolutionary sense of justice versus the cultivation of "doublethought"; (6) a program of total control of economic behavior versus the emergence of deviant, even criminal, forms of organization to fulfill functionally necessary but ideologically unapproved economic tasks; and finally, (7) two distinct practices of law, responsive or postliberal versus repressive. Yet, contradictions typically did not lead through conflict to subsequent reform during the state socialist era, as conflicts were repressed. When reforms were attempted, they furthered conflict and system breakdown. [source] Law and Society in Vietnam: The Transition From Socialism in Comparative Perspective.LAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 3 2009By Mark Sidel. No abstract is available for this article. [source] From ,Musiktheorie' to ,Tonsatz': National Socialism and German Music Theory after 1945MUSIC ANALYSIS, Issue 2-3 2004Ludwig Holtmeier First page of article [source] Privatizing China: Socialism from Afar edited by Li Zhang and Aihwa OngAMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 3 2009YICHING WU No abstract is available for this article. [source] Islamism and Western Political ReligionsRELIGION COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 6 2009Hendrik Hansen The political ideas of Islamism as they have been formulated by Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb share a number of striking similarities with Western political religions like Communism and National Socialism, in particular the radical dualist interpretation of history and the understanding of politics as a struggle against evil. However, the concept of political religions as it has been elaborated by Voegelin and further developed by Gentile implies the deification of a secular entity. Thus, if political religions are defined as being based on secularism, this concept seems to be inappropriate for the analysis of Islamism. This paper investigates whether this interpretation is correct and whether the concept of ,politicised religions' should be considered more useful for the analysis of Islamism. It gives an overview of the concepts of political and politicised religions and of the political ideas of Islamism based on the writings of Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb. The theses are that (1) both ,fundamentalism' and ,politicised religions' are misleading concepts for a comparison of their political theories with Western political religions; and (2) the concept of political religions is indeed applicable to Islamism, if we arrive at the understanding that not secularism but the radicalisation of the friend,foe-distinction and the understanding of politics as a purge of evil from the world ought to be considered its central themes. [source] Die Ökumene und der Widerstand gegen Diktaturen: Nationalsozialismus und Kommunismus als Herausforderung an die Kirchen [The Ecumenical Movement and Resistance against Dictatorships: National Socialism and Communism as a challenge to the Churches] by Joachim Garstecki (ed.)THE ECUMENICAL REVIEW, Issue 1 2009Article first published online: 27 FEB 200 No abstract is available for this article. [source] The Currency of Socialism: Money and Political Culture in East Germany , By Jonathan ZatlinTHE HISTORIAN, Issue 2 2009Kristie Macrakis No abstract is available for this article. [source] Fichte and the Idea of Liberal Socialism,THE JOURNAL OF POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, Issue 1 2005Nedim Nomer First page of article [source] Turizm: The Russian and East European Tourist under Capitalism and SocialismTHE JOURNAL OF POPULAR CULTURE, Issue 3 2008Annika Frieberg No abstract is available for this article. [source] Modernization, Socialism, and Higher Education in Mexico: The Instituto para Hijos de Trabajadores1THE JOURNAL OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Issue 2 2009Ana María Kapelusz-Poppi [source] The Idea of Socialism: From 1968 to the Present-day CrisisANTIPODE, Issue 2010Hugo Radice Abstract:, In 2008 the 40th anniversary of that iconic year, 1968, was celebrated in the media in relation to student uprisings and cultural revolts, largely neglecting the very significant movements of workers and peasants who were challenging power structures around the world at that time. This omission reflects the failures of socialism in the twentieth century, which are explored in this essay. Beginning from a more complete picture of 1968, the essay examines the history of socialism, identifying the main sources of failure in its theory and practice, in particular that of the revolutionary left. If the failure lies in the elite character of socialist politics and its focus on distribution rather than production, it is to be remedied by a firm focus on the politics of the workplace and the goal of substantive equality. The concluding section reviews the prospects for such an alternative in the current circumstances of global crisis. [source] Working in East German Socialism in 1980 and in Capitalism 15 Years Later: A Trend Analysis of a Transitional Economy's Working ConditionsAPPLIED PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2000Doris Fay Many studies document the changes that have taken place in the new German states, the former German Democratic Republic (GDR), since the end of socialism. Most research looks at the changes that took place after the unification of East and West Germany, but little is known about the differences between the present, somewhat settled situation in the new German states and the stable situation in the GDR before the system change. The goal of this study was to enlarge our knowledge on these differences. With a trend analysis, aspects of work in the GDR in 1980 (n=337) were compared with the new German states in 1995 (n=168). Results showed that there was more job control and complexity, more activity in work improvement and better work organisation in the new German states than in the GDR. There was no difference in stress variables and social support by colleagues between both groups. Relationships with supervisors and appreciation for suggestions for work improvement were better in the GDR than after the introduction of capitalism. Beaucoup d'e´tudes portent sur les changements qui ont eu lieu depuis la fin du socialisme dans les nouveaux La¨nder allemands, à savoir l'ancienne Re´publique De´mocratique d'Allemagne (R.D.A.). La plupart des recherches s'occupent des changements apparus après la re´unification, mais on sait peu de choses des diffe´rences entre la situation actuelle, plus ou moins stabilise´e, et la situation telle qu'elle e´tait avant l'effondrement du système. Ce travail avait pour objectif d'approfondir nos connaissances sur ces diffe´rences. On a compare´ des dimensions du travail en R.D.A. en 1980 (N=337) et dans les nouveaux Länder en 1995 (N=168). Les re´sultats montrent qu'en R.D.A. le travail e´tait moins complexe, moins contrôle, moins bien organise´ avec un moindre souci d'ame´lioration. Aucune diffe´rence n'est apparue entre les deux groupes quant à la tension nerveuse et au soutien social apporte´ par les collègues. Les relations avec le supe´rieur et la reconnaissance pour les suggestions concernant les am¨eliorations à apporter au travail étaient moins satisfaisantes après l'introduction du capitalisme qu'elles ne l'e´taient antérieurement en R.D.A. [source] State Socialism in Australian Political Thought: A ReconsiderationAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 1 2006Tod Moore In understanding the origins of conventional tenets in political thought, we should attend to cross-spectrum analysis of usage. Taking state socialism as an instance, this paper argues that the practice of treating it historically either as an element within a radical tradition (by Labour historians) or as a discredited part of a socialist agenda (by liberals) ignores the ways in which it was it was deployed across the political spectrum. Outsiders (such as the Webbs and Métin) skewed the record, describing the pragmatic accommodations they saw as "socialism without doctrines", unconscious of the debates amongst Australian political elites. We need to explore anew where ideas came from, how they were taken up and adapted in the Australian context (by all sides) and the circumstances that determined their duration within everyday discourse. [source] Aufstieg und Fall der Kolonialwissenschaften im NationalsozialismusBERICHTE ZUR WISSENSCHAFTSGESCHICHTE, Issue 4 2003Karsten Linne Dr. phil. Abstract The German colonial plans concerning Africa in the era of National Socialism ascribed a central role the sciences. Scientists of all possible fields launched into activities. Especially subjects which were directly related to the practice of colonial policies, e.g., African languages, ethnology, law, economic sciences, and medicine, were developed. There were colonial ambitions at nearly every German university, but there was one which was designated to become the centre of colonial sciences: the university of Hamburg. It has to be realized that working in this field of studies protected scientists from being drafted by the army for a long time. [source] The Indigenous in the Plural in Bolivian Oppositional PoliticsBULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 4 2005Robert Albro This article examines how currents of Bolivia's indigenous movement are gravitating to the city and to the centre of national political life, capitalising on popular sentiment against the political status quo, economic privatisation and violations of national sovereignty. The Movement Toward Socialism led by Evo Morales does not promote a separatist ethno-national project; instead, it uses regional, national and international coalition building to equate indigenous with non-indigenous issues through resonant political analogies that frame Bolivia's national crisis of political legitimacy in terms of indigenous rights, while making common cause with diverse urban popular sectors who, if not indigenous, recognise their indigenous cultural heritage as a crucial background to their own struggles against disenfranchisement. [source] The next stage of socialism: privatising the universitiesCRITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 1-2 2005Colin MacCabe First page of article [source] Cultural Sovereignty in a Global Art Economy: Egyptian Cultural Policy and the New Western Interest in Art from the Middle EastCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 2 2006Jessica WinegarArticle first published online: 7 JAN 200 The post-1989 transformation of the Egyptian art world reveals the particular tenacity of colonial logics and national attachments in culture industries built through anticolonial nationalism and socialism. Tensions emerged between and among Western and Egyptian curators, critics, and artists with the development of a foreign-dominated private-sector art market and as Egyptian art begins to circulate internationally. This international circulation of art objects has produced rearranged strategies of governance in the cultural realm, collusions and conflicts between the public and private sector, and, most importantly, a new articulation of cultural sovereignty. [source] From Soviet Modernization to Post,Soviet Transformation: Understanding Marriage and Fertility Dynamics in UzbekistanDEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE, Issue 3 2003Victor Agadjanian In this article we analyse the dynamics of marriage and childbearing in Uzbekistan through the prism of the recent socioeconomic and political history of that country. After becoming an independent nation in 1991, Uzbekistan abandoned the Soviet modernization project and aspired to set out on a radically different course of economic, social, and political development. We argue, however, that not only independence but also the preceding period of perestroika reforms (1985,91) had a dramatic effect on social conditions and practices and, consequently, the demographic behaviour of the country's population. Using data from the 1996 Uzbekistan Demographic and Health Survey we apply event,history analysis to examine changes in the timing of entry into first marriage, first and second births over four periods: two periods of pre,perestroika socialism, the perestroika years, and the period since independence. We investigate the factors that influenced the timing of these events in each of the four periods among Uzbeks, the country's eponymous and largest ethnic group, and among Uzbekistan's urban population. In general, our results point to a dialectic combination of continuity and change in Uzbekistan's recent demographic trends, which reflect the complex and contradictory nature of broader societal transformations in that and other parts of the former Soviet Union. [source] The Political Ecology of Transition in Cambodia 1989,1999: War, Peace and Forest ExploitationDEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE, Issue 4 2000Philippe Le Billon Over the last decade, forests have played an important role in the transition from war to peace in Cambodia. Forest exploitation financed the continuation of war beyond the Cold War and regional dynamics, yet it also stimulated co-operation between conflicting parties. Timber represented a key stake in the rapacious transition from the (benign) socialism of the post-Khmer Rouge period to (exclusionary) capitalism, thereby becoming the most politicized resource of a reconstruction process that has failed to be either as green or as democratic as the international community had hoped. This article explores the social networks and power politics shaping forest exploitation, with the aim of casting light on the politics of transition. It also scrutinizes the unintended consequences of the international community's discourse of democracy, good governance, and sustainable development on forest access rights. The commodification of Cambodian forests is interpreted as a process of transforming nature into money through a political ecology of transition that legitimates an exclusionary form of capitalism. [source] THE MORECAMBE BAY COCKLE PICKERS: MARKET FAILURE OR GOVERNMENT DISASTER?ECONOMIC AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2004John Meadowcroft The tragic deaths of twenty-three young Chinese cockle pickers in Morecambe Bay on the Lancashire coast have been attributed to the machinations of global capitalism. In fact, these migrant workers came to the UK to escape the poverty created by socialism in China and were working under a regime of state-regulated access to the cockle beds. An alternative market-orientated regime of private property rights in the cockle beds might have prevented the tragedy. [source] Organizational Challenges and Strategic Responses of Retail TNCs in Post-WTO-Entry ChinaECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY, Issue 1 2009Wance Tacconelli abstract In the context of a market characterized by the enduring legacy of socialism through governmental ownership of retail businesses, the continued presence of domestic retailers, and increasing levels of competition, this article examines the organizational challenges faced by, and the strategic responses adopted by, a group of leading food and general merchandise retail transnational corporations (TNCs) in developing networks of stores in the post-WTO-entry Chinese market. On the basis of extensive interview-based fieldwork conducted in China from 2006 to 2008, the article details the attempts of these retail TNCs to embed their operations in Chinese logistics and supply networks, real estate markets, and consumer cultures,three dimensions that are fundamental to the achievement of market competitiveness by the retail TNCs. The article illustrates how this process of territorial embeddedness presents major challenges for the retail TNCs and how their strategic responses vary substantially, indicating different routes to the achievement of organizational legitimacy in China. The article concludes by offering an analysis of the various strategic responses of the retail TNCs and by suggesting some future research propositions on the globalization of the retail industry. [source] Industrial Agglomeration and Development: A Survey of Spatial Economic Issues in East Asia and a Statistical Analysis of Chinese RegionsECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY, Issue 3 2003C. Cindy Fan Abstract: In this article, we explore the issue of industrial agglomeration and its relationship to economic development and growth in the less-developed countries of East Asia. We present theoretical arguments and secondary empirical evidence as to why we should have strong expectations about finding a positive relationship between agglomeration and economic performance. We also review evidence from the literature on the roles of formal and informal institutions in East Asian regional economic systems. We then focus specifically on the case of China. We argue that regional development in China has much in common with regional development in other East Asian economies, although there are also important contrasts because of China's history of socialism and its recent trend toward economic liberalization. Through a variety of statistical investigations, we substantiate (in part) the expected positive relationship between agglomeration and economic performance in China. We show that many kinds of manufacturing sectors are characterized by a strong positive relationship between spatial agglomeration and productivity. This phenomenon is especially marked in sectors and regions where liberalization has proceeded rapidly. We consider the relevance of our comments about industrial clustering and economic performance for policy formulation in China and the less-developed countries of East Asia. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||