Distribution by Scientific Domains
Distribution within Humanities and Social Sciences

Kinds of Sovereignty

  • cultural sovereignty
  • national sovereignty
  • popular sovereignty
  • state sovereignty

  • Selected Abstracts


    HISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 4 2005
    ABSTRACT This article traces the association between the European overseas empires and the concept of sovereignty, arguing that, ever since the days of Cicero,if not earlier,Europeans had clung to the idea that there was a close association between a people and the territory it happened to occupy. This made it necessary to think of an "empire" as a unity,an "immense body," to use Tacitus's phrase,that would embrace all its subjects under a single sovereign. By the end of the eighteenth century it had become possible, in this way, to speak of "empires of liberty" that would operate for the ultimate benefit of all their "citizens," freeing them from previous tyrannical rulers and bringing them under the protection of more benign regimes. In such empires sovereignty could only ever be, as it had become in Europe, undivided. The collapse of Europe's "first" empires in the Americas, however, was followed rapidly by Napoleon's attempt to create a new kind of Empire in Europe. The ultimate, and costly, failure of this project led many, Benjamin Constant among them, to believe that the age of empires was now over and had been replaced by the age of commerce. But what in fact succeeded Napoleon was the modern European state system, which attempted not to replace empire by trade, as Constant had hoped, but to create a new kind of empire, one that sought to minimize domination and settlement, and to make a sharp distinction between imperial ruler and imperial subject. In this kind of empire, sovereignty could only be "divided." Various kinds of divided rule were thus devised in the nineteenth century. Far, however, from being an improvement on the past, this ultimately resulted in,or at least contributed greatly to,the emergence of the largely fictional and inevitably unstable societies that after the final collapse of the European empires became the new states of the "developing world." [source]


    MODERN THEOLOGY, Issue 4 2010
    This essay argues that modern sovereignty is not simply a legal or political concept that is coterminous with the modern nation-state. Rather, at the theoretical level modern sovereign power is inscribed into a wider theological dialectic between "the one" and "the many". Modernity fuses juridical-constitutional models of supreme state authority with a new, "biopolitical" account of power whereby natural life and the living body of the individual are the object of politics and are subject to state control (section 1). The origins of this dialectic go back to changes within Christian theology in the late Middle Ages and the early modern period. In particular, these changes can be traced to Ockham's denial of the universal Good in things, Suárez's priority of the political community over the ecclesial body and Hobbes's "biopolitical" definition of power as state dominion over life (section 2). At the practical level, modern sovereignty has involved both the national state and the transnational market. The "revolutions in sovereignty" that gave rise to the modern state and the modern market were to some considerable extent shaped by theological concepts and changes in religious institutions and practices: first, the supremacy of the modern national state over the transnational papacy and national churches; second, the increasing priority of individuality over collectivity; third, a growing focus on contractual proprietary relations at the expense of covenantal ties and communal bonds (section 3). By subjecting both people and property to uniform standards of formal natural rights and abstract monetary value, financial capitalism and liberal secular democracy are part of the "biopolitical" logic that subordinates the sanctity of life and land to the secular sacrality of the state and the market. In Pope Benedict's theology, we can find the contours of a post-secular political economy that challenges the monopoly of modern sovereignty (sections 4,5). [source]

    Democracy, Popular Sovereignty, and Constitutional Legitimacy

    Simone Chambers
    First page of article [source]

    Globalization, Sovereignty, and the Rule of Law: From Political to Economic Constitutionalism?

    Kanishka Jayasuriya
    First page of article [source]

    The Place of Sovereignty: Popular Power, Partisan Guardians, and the Legitimacy of the President

    Adam Lupel
    First page of article [source]

    Periodization and Sovereignty: How Ideas of Feudalism and Secularization Govern the Politics of Time by Kathleen

    CRITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2009
    First page of article [source]

    Cultural Sovereignty in a Global Art Economy: Egyptian Cultural Policy and the New Western Interest in Art from the Middle East

    Jessica WinegarArticle first published online: 7 JAN 200
    The post-1989 transformation of the Egyptian art world reveals the particular tenacity of colonial logics and national attachments in culture industries built through anticolonial nationalism and socialism. Tensions emerged between and among Western and Egyptian curators, critics, and artists with the development of a foreign-dominated private-sector art market and as Egyptian art begins to circulate internationally. This international circulation of art objects has produced rearranged strategies of governance in the cultural realm, collusions and conflicts between the public and private sector, and, most importantly, a new articulation of cultural sovereignty. [source]

    Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignty by Aihwa Ong

    Ioannis Glinavos
    No abstract is available for this article. [source]

    Reordering Society: Vigilantism and Expressions of Sovereignty in Port Elizabeth's Townships

    Lars Buur
    ABSTRACT Crime and vigilantism in South Africa are generally seen as a reaction to the breakdown of formal law. Both are constituted outside the state and emerge when the new social contract has been broken , that is, when the state can no longer provide security. This article argues that there is often an intimate relationship between vigilante formations and state structures. It explores this apparent paradox through public discourses on crime and the emergence of twilight institutions such as vigilante groups. It suggests that vigilantism has to be analysed as an attempt to promulgate a new legal-political order, despite being constructed outside this order. This argument is explored in the context of the Amadlozi, a vigilante group operating in the townships of Port Elizabeth. The article situates this discussion within an examination of discourses on crime, as well as the production of township residents and their protection from crime. Finally, it proffers some ideas on sovereignty and its relationship to twilight institutions. [source]

    European Integration: Popular Sovereignty and a Politics of Boundaries

    EUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 3 2000
    Hans Lindahl
    The problem raised by popular sovereignty in the framework of the EU is not whether it is relevant to European integration; it is. The problem is another, namely the identity and, thus, the boundary of a democratic polity. The very idea of ,European' integration suggests that integration is only imaginable by reference to the closure provided by an identity, a boundary that is normative rather than merely geographical. In this minimal sense, a European people is the necessary presupposition of integration, not merely its telos. Bluntly, there is no integration without inclusion and, also, no integration without exclusion. This, then, is the real problem raised by popular sovereignty in a European context: if there is no such thing as non-exclusionary integration, how can a reflection on the boundedness of European integration be more than a rationalisation of exclusion? [source]

    Juana the Mad: Sovereignty and Dynasty in Renaissance Europe by Bethany Aram

    GENDER & HISTORY, Issue 1 2007
    No abstract is available for this article. [source]

    Insularity, Sovereignty and Statehood: The Representation of Islands on Portolan Charts and The Construction of The Territorial State

    Philip E. Steinberg
    Abstract This article investigates the cartographic origins of the idea that the territorial state is a unified, bounded, homogeneous and naturally occurring entity, in a world of equivalent but unique entities. It is noted that this image of the territorial state closely resembles the representation of islands on sixteenth-century portolan charts, and this suggests a historical link between the Renaissance-era imagination of islands and the modern imagination of states. The article posits that the concept of territorial unity and boundedness, which appeared on portolan charts to signify islands as obstacles amidst maritime routes of movement, migrated in the late sixteenth-century to form the basis for representing the emergent concept of the territorial state. It is suggested that the conceptual and aesthetic links between these representations of islands and states has led to an ongoing dilemma for those who seek to comprehend (or cartographically represent) islands that are divided between multiple states. [source]

    Globalization and the Boundaries of the State: A Framework for Analyzing the Changing Practice of Sovereignty

    GOVERNANCE, Issue 1 2001
    Edward S. Cohen
    The impact of globalization on the sovereignty of the modern state has been a source of great controversy among political scientists. In this article, I offer a framework for understanding the state as a boundary-setting institution, which changes shape and role over time and place. I argue that, rather than undermining the state, globalization is a product of a rearrangement of the purposes, boundaries, and sovereign authority of the state. Focusing on the United States, the article traces the changing shape of state sovereignty through a study of the patterns of immigration policy and politics over the past three decades. Immigration policy, I argue, provides a unique insight into the continuities and changes in the role of the state in an era of globalization. [source]

    The New Social Contract and the Struggle for Sovereignty in the Netherlands

    Marinus R. R. Ossewaarde
    One of the recurring topics in the history of sovereign nation-states is the way in which national identity, and social and cultural differences are dealt with politically. In the Netherlands, that has always had a strong tradition of social citizenship, the government has recently responded to plural nationhood and its problems by turning to new concepts of citizenship. In this article, it is argued that notions of citizenship are, in the end, used to reinforce Dutch sovereignty by creating and maintaining national cohesion. The underlying assumption in public policy is that a strong sense of national citizenship that replaces the old model of social citizenship is the only way to reconcile differences and safeguard peace in contemporary post-industrial society. Three Dutch policy sectors , integration, welfare and child protection , are examined to see how these concepts have taken shape in public policy. [source]

    Disaggregated Sovereignty: Towards the Public Accountability of Global Government Networks

    Anne-Marie Slaughter
    Networks of government officials , police investigators, financial regulators, even judges and legislators , are a key feature of world order in the twenty-first century. Yet, these networks present significant accountability and legitimacy concerns. This article identifies and responds to the potential problems of government networks by suggesting means to increase their accountability and proposing norms to govern the relations of members of government networks with one another. Finally, the article develops the concept of disaggregated sovereignty, arguing that government networks have the capacity to enter into international regulatory regimes of various types and thereby are independently bound by the existing corpus of international law. [source]

    Sovereignty, Supremacy and the Origins of the English Civil War

    HISTORY, Issue 288 2002
    D. Alan Orr
    This article integrates the concept of sovereignty with religious perceptions of misrule in the years leading up to the English Civil War. Existing revisionist narratives have emphasized the consensual nature of early Stuart political culture, especially the central role of the ,common law mind' in determining the proper place of potentially rival political vocabularies of natural law, civil law and absolutism. This article argues alternatively that the concept of sovereignty and in particular the contested relationship of sovereignty to ecclesiastical governance stood at the centre of the emerging conflict. The primary mode of ,opposition' to the policies of Charles I's personal rule (1629,40) was erastian: it presumed that control over the doctrine and discipline of the established church was for all intents and purposes a mark or right of sovereignty in the same manner as power of war and peace, power of appointing magistrates, or coinage. Seen in this light the ecclesiastical innovations of the personal rule constituted a treasonable attempt on the part of the Laudian episcopate to erect an ecclesiastical state within a state. The English Civil War was a war of religion in the sense that a significant number of those who waged it operated under the assumption that religion was the rightful provenance of the civil magistracy of king in parliament. [source]

    The Responsibility to Protect and the problem of military intervention

    The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has come a long way in a relatively short space of time. From inauspicious beginnings, the principle was endorsed by the General Assembly in 2005 and unanimously reaffirmed by the Security Council in 2006 (Resolution 1674). However, the principle remains hotly contested primarily because of its association with humanitarian intervention and the pervasive belief that its principal aim is to create a pathway for the legitimization of unilateral military intervention. This article sets forth the argument that a deepening consensus on R2P is dependent on its dissociation from the politics of humanitarian intervention and suggests that one way of doing this is by abandoning the search for criteria for decision-making about the use of force, one of the centre pieces of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty 2001 report that coined the phrase R2P. Criteria were never likely to win international support, the article maintains, and were less likely to improve decision-making on how best to respond to major humanitarian crises. Nevertheless, R2P can make an important contribution to thinking about the problem of military intervention by mitigating potential ,moral hazards', overcoming the tendency of international actors to focus exclusively on military methods and giving impetus to efforts to operationalize protection in the field. [source]

    The French Riots: Questioning Spaces of Surveillance and Sovereignty

    Susan Ossman
    ABSTRACT This paper examines the riots in France in late 2005 in terms of how they lead to a reconceptualization of the spaces of danger, culture, territory, and sovereignty. It traces a brief history of danger zones and immigration, noting how these two terms have increasingly overlapped. We analyse key discursive formations - legal, political, social scientific, and media - whose explanation for the emergence of the "immigrant" delinquent is linked to what is identified as a culture of poverty. They provide a sustained examination of recent legal reforms of juvenile law as well as judicial practices within the juvenile justice system to show the systematic exclusionary practices of what is claimed to be a colour blind republican system. They reveal a consensus across the political spectrum and among police, prosecutors, investigating magistrates, and new security experts on the need to privilege accountability, restitution, and retribution in the treatment of juvenile offenders. We present evidence from interviews and ethnographic observation among youths of all backgrounds. Ironically, while the children of immigrants seek to claim a voice in the national community, their peers from more privileged social milieu express increasing distance from national concerns, seeking to lead lives as Europeans or global citizens. We end by arguing that this needs to be taken into account in any analysis of frustrated and disenfranchised suburban youths. A transnational or supra-national sociology that accounts for the itineraries of immigrants of all kinds must be developed. LES ÉMEUTES EN FRANCE: QU'EN EST-IL DES ESPACES DE SURVEILLANCE ET DE LA SOUVERAINETÉ? Les émeutes qui ont éclaté en France fin 2005 conduisent à une reconceptualisation des notions de danger, de culture, de territoire et de souveraineté. Cet article, qui présente un bref historique des zones de danger et de l'immigration, montre combien ces deux concepts ont tendance à se rejoindre. Nous analysons les principales formations discursives - juridique, politique, sociale, scientifique et médiatique - qui expliquent l'émergence du délinquant « immigré » en l'associant à ce qui est décrit comme une culture de la pauvreté. Elles nous offrent un examen soutenu des réformes récentes du droit des mineurs et des pratiques judiciaires au sein du système de justice des mineurs, et montrent les pratiques d'exclusion systématiques d'un système républicain prétendant ignorer les préjugés raciaux. Elles montrent que, d'un bout à l'autre de l'échiquier politique, dans la police, chez les procureurs, les juges d'instruction et les nouveaux spécialistes de la sécurité, il existe un consensus sur la nécessité de privilégier l'obligation de rendre des comptes, la réparation et le châtiment dans le traitement des mineurs délinquants. Nous étayons cet argument à partir d'entretiens et d'observations ethnographiques de jeunes de tous les milieux. De façon assez ironique, alors que les enfants d'immigrés veulent avoir leur mot à dire au sein de la communauté nationale, les enfants de milieux plus privilégiés se disent de moins en moins concernés par les préoccupations nationales et cherchent à mener une vie d'Européen ou de citoyen du monde. En conclusion, nous avançons que cette situation doit être prise en compte dans toute analyse des jeunes des banlieues frustrés et privés de droits. Une sociologie transnationale ou supranationale qui rendrait compte des itinéraires des immigrés, tous milieux sociaux confondus, serait une bonne chose. LAS REVUELTAS FRANCESAS: CUESTIONAMIENTO DE LOS ESPACIOS DE VIGILANCIA Y SOBERANÍA En este artículo se examinan las revueltas de Francia a finales de 2005 en la medida en que conducen a una reconceptualización de los espacios de peligro, cultura, territorio y soberanía. Se traza una breve historia de las zonas de peligro y de la inmigración, señalando a la atención cómo estos dos conceptos han ido solapándose crecientemente. Se analizan formaciones discursivas clave -jurídicas, políticas, propias de las ciencias sociales y mediáticas - cuyas explicaciones de la aparición del delincuente "inmigrante" se vinculan con lo que se ha descrito como una cultura de la pobreza. Se ofrece un examen sostenido de las recientes reformas jurídicas de las leyes sobre los menores, así como de las prácticas judiciales dentro del sistema de justicia de menores para mostrar las prácticas de exclusión sistemática de lo que se considera que es un sistema republicano daltónico. Se revela un consenso entre los políticos y entre la policía, los fiscales, los jueces de instrucción y los nuevos expertos en seguridad sobre la necesidad de dar prelación a la asunción de responsabilidades, la restitución y la retribución en el tratamiento de los menores delincuentes. Se presentan pruebas extraídas de entrevistas y de la observación etnográfica de los jóvenes de todos los ambientes. Irónicamente, mientras los hijos de inmigrantes tienden a reclamar una voz en la comunidad nacional, sus iguales de medios sociales más privilegiados expresan un creciente distanciamiento de las preocupaciones nacionales y prefieren vivir como europeos o ciudadanos del mundo. Se termina arguyendo que es preciso tener en cuenta este factor en cualquier análisis de los jóvenes frustrados y privados de voto que viven en los barrios periféricos. Será preciso desarrollar una sociología transnacional o supranacional que explique los itinerarios de todo tipo de inmigrantes. [source]

    International Migration and State Sovereignty in an Integrating Europe

    Andrew Geddes
    This article examines the development of migration policy competencies of the European Union (EU) since the 1990s. It pays particular attention to policy framework that developed after the Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties entered into effect in 1993 and 1999 respectively. In order to chart these developments, the article focuses on five analytical themes that illustrate key trends in EU migration policy. Reasons for and implications of shift from "pillarization" in the Maastricht Treaty to "communitarization" in the Amsterdam Treaty. , Blurring of the distinction between external and internal security. , The role that supranational institutions such as the European Commission are playing (or trying to play) in policy development. , Debates about migrants' rights in an integrating Europe. , Links between migration and EU enlargement. It is argued that far from weakening EU member states or symbolizing some "loss of control", EU cooperation and integration have thus far helped member states consolidate and reassert their ability to regulate international migration through the use of new EU-level institutional venues. This raises legitimacy issues as the EU moves into politically sensitive policy areas. Although talk of "fortress Europe" is overblown, the EU is likely to face legitimacy challenges on both the "input" (democracy, openness and accountability of decision-making) and "output" (implementation and compliance) elements of decision-making. [source]

    Growing Sovereignty: Modeling the Shift from Indirect to Direct Rule

    Lars-Erik Cederman
    Drawing on theories of historical sociology, we model the emergence of the territorial state in early modern Europe. Our modeling effort focuses on systems change with respect to the shift from indirect to direct rule. We first introduce a one-dimensional model that captures the tradeoff between organizational and geographic distances. In a second step, we present an agent-based model that features states with a varying number of organizational levels. This model explicitly represents causal mechanisms of conquest and internal state-building through organizational bypass processes. The computational findings confirm our hypothesis that technological change is sufficient to trigger the emergence of modern, direct-state hierarchies. Our theoretical findings indicate that the historical transformation from indirect to direct rule presupposes a logistical, rather than the commonly assumed exponential, form of the loss-of-strength gradient. [source]

    Sovereignty in the Balance: Claims and Bargains at the UN Conferences on the Environment, Human Rights, and Women

    Kathryn Hochstetler
    States vary the content and subject matter of their claims to sovereignty. In an analysis of when states invoked sovereignty at recent UN World Conferences on the environment (1992), human rights (1993), and women (1995), the authors revise and extend Litfin's (1997) notion of bargains among components of sovereignty. At the conferences, states invoked sovereignty in debates over cultural and religious values, economics, and increased international accountability. The authors interpret the debates based on how four elements of sovereignty,autonomy, control, and legitimacy in the eyes of other states and nonstate actors,are traded by states through implicit or explicit bargaining. They identify patterns that vary by issue area. The authors argue that nongovernmental organizations as well as other states may legitimate or delegitimate states' sovereign claims. They find that countries of the global South made more sovereignty claims of all kinds than Northern states. And, sovereignty bargains may be struck more easily over power and economics than social values. [source]

    Sovereignty and State Practice: Morality and Being

    Ken Fraser
    No abstract is available for this article. [source]

    Sovereignty and Territorial Borders in a Global Age,

    Christopher Rudolph
    In an age marked by economic globalization, regional integration, and increasing transborder flows, some have questioned the continued viability of state sovereignty and territorial borders. This essay examines the conditions of sovereignty and borders in a world of trading states, exploring how conceptions of sovereignty are reflected in the grand strategy of advanced industrial democracies. By disaggregating sovereignty into its constitutive parts, the essay not only provides insights into how these facets affect modern statecraft but also reveals an underconceptualized dimension: societal sovereignty. Whereas sovereignty is willingly ceded by states to gain economically from increased trade and capital mobility, public concern over the social, political, and economic effects of high levels of international migration indicate a growing sensitivity to the maintenance of sovereignty over access to social and political community. In this process, borders serve an increasingly important symbolic function in maintaining stable conceptions of national identity that constitute the cornerstone of the nation-state. [source]

    Changes in the Westphalian Order: Territory, Public Authority, and Sovereignty

    James A. Caporaso

    Introduction: On Race, Roots/Routes, and Sovereignty in Latin America's Afro-Indigenous Multiculturalisms

    Shane Greene
    First page of article [source]

    Sovereignty, Exception, and Norm

    Andrew Norris
    Carl Schmitt's Political Theology is the locus classicus of contemporary discussions of sovereignty. I argue that Schmitt's conception of sovereignty is excessively metaphysical and that it posits an incoherent 'sovereign' ability to decide what shall count as normal. Schmitt follows and radicalizes the late Bodin's claims , themselves the product of a political theology, namely, Bodin 's conversion to Judaism , regarding the necessity of an indivisible and absolute sovereignty. In each, the relation between the executive and the other parts of government is reduced to what Schmitt describes as an ,either/or.' This move is a disastrous mistake. The question is not whether exceptions and emergencies such as terrorist attacks are real, but to what extent the executive branch can rightly claim a monopoly on the ability to determine whether an exception exists, and whether its resulting actions will be permanently unchecked and unregulated. Recent work by Bruce Ackerman is a better guide in these matters than the metaphysics of either Schmitt or Bodin. [source]

    When Production and Consumption Meet: Cultural Contradictions and the Enchanting Myth of Customer Sovereignty

    Marek Korczynski
    ABSTRACT The central cultural contradiction of capitalism, argued Bell some 25 years ago, was the existence of rationalized, disciplined production alongside free and hedonistic consumption. This paper argues that this thesis, although overstated, has resonance within contemporary capitalism. The paper then considers the question of how this contradiction is managed when production and consumption meet directly within the service interaction. On the production-side rationalization is joined by customer-orientation, and on the consumption-side management promotes consumption of the enchanting myth of sovereignty. Here the customer is meant to experience a sense of being sovereign. At the same time the space is created for the customer to be, potentially, substantively directed and influenced to follow the requirements that flow from the rationalized elements of production. Key aspects of the service interaction, including the menu and its presentation, the display of empathy and aesthetic labour, and the use of naming within the service interaction, are analysed in terms of the promotion of the enchanting myth of sovereignty. Consumption, however, is a fragile process, and remains, to an important degree, ,unmanageable'. The analysis, therefore, also examines how the promotion of the enchanting myth of sovereignty systematically creates the conditions for the myth's negation. [source]

    "A More Perfect Union": Ableman v. Booth and the Culmination of Federal Sovereignty

    Michael J. C. Taylor
    The discourse over federal versus state jurisdiction was ingrained into American politics at the nation's inception. It has been the premise of our most historically significant rivalries,between Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton, Andrew Jackson and Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster and Robert Hayne. Though this debate remains a contentious topic in contemporary political discourse, the U.S. Supreme Court settled the legal controversy on the eve of America's bloodiest conflagration. Unanimously, the Court ruled that the federal union was of greater importance than the authority of the individual states. The 1859 Ableman v. Booth1 decision was wrought from moral controversy, legal precedent, and political necessity, coupled with the full force of law, and has endured as a compelling pronouncement on the need for continuity and stability in uncertain times. [source]

    High Stakes: Florida Seminole Gaming and Sovereignty by Jessica Cattelino

    No abstract is available for this article. [source]

    Abalone Tales: Collaborative Explorations of Sovereignty and Identity in Native California by Les W. Field

    No abstract is available for this article. [source]