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Slave Trade (slave + trade)
Selected AbstractsThe Supreme Court and the Interstate Slave Trade: A Study in Evasion, Anarchy, and ExtremismJOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 3 2004DAVID L. LIGHTNER Opponents of slavery often argued that the federal government possessed the constitutional authority to outlaw the interstate slave trade. At its founding in 1833, the American Anti-Slavery Society declared that Congress "has a right, and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domestic slave trade between the several States." The idea had been endorsed earlier, during the Missouri controversy of 1819,1820, by both John Jay and Daniel Webster. Later on, in the 1840s and 1850s, it was supported by such prominent politicians as John Quincy Adams, Salmon P. Chase, and Charles Sumner. Defenders of slavery were, of course, horrified by the suggestion that the South's peculiar institution might be attacked in this way, and they vehemently denied that the Constitution permitted any such action. The prolonged debate over the issue focused on two key provisions of the Constitution. One was the Commerce Clause (Article I, Section 8, Clause 3), which says that Congress has the power to "regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes." The other was the 1808 Clause (Article I, Section 9, Clause 1), which says that the "Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight." Abolitionists held that the Constitution sanctioned congressional interference in the domestic slave trade both generally, by virtue of the Commerce Clause, and specifically, by virtue of the 1808 Clause. They argued that since slaves were routinely bought and sold, they obviously were articles of commerce, and therefore Congress had unlimited authority over interstate slave trafficking. Furthermore, they said, the words "migration or importation" in the 1808 Clause meant that as of January 1, 1808 Congress had acquired the right not only to ban the importation of slaves, but also to prohibit their migration from one state to another. Defenders of slavery replied that Congress could not interfere in property rights and that the power to regulate commerce did not include the power to destroy it. They also said that the word "migration" in the 1808 Clause referred, not to the domestic movement of slaves, but to the entry into the United States of white immigrants from abroad.1 [source] Routes of Remembrance: Refashioning the Slave Trade in Ghana by Bayo HolseyAMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 4 2009MARTIN KLEIN No abstract is available for this article. [source] The British Government and the Slave Trade: Early Parliamentary Enquiries, 1713,83PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2007CHRISTOPHER L. BROWN First page of article [source] Public Opinion and Parliament in the Abolition of the British Slave TradePARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2007SEYMOUR DRESCHER First page of article [source] ,It Wasn't Us and We Didn't Benefit': The Discourse of Opposition to an Apology by Britain for Its Role in the Slave TradeTHE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2008MICHAEL CUNNINGHAM 2007 was the bicentennary of the abolition of slave trading in British ships. It was marked by renewed calls for an apology for Britain's role in the slave trade. Prime Minister Tony Blair expressed his regret for the trade but did not issue an apology. This article examines the discourse of popular opposition to an apology, as articulated in newspapers and on websites, and offers a commentary and critique on the positions adopted.' [source] Slave prices, the African slave trade, and productivity in the Caribbean, 1674,18071ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 4 2005DAVID ELTIS We draw wide-ranging implications about slave productivity change by making use of newly collected data on the prices paid for nearly 230,000 slaves as they arrived in the Americas from Africa between 1674 and 1807. Prices for the product that most slaves were destined to produce-sugar-are also available. Together the comprehensive series allow us to derive annual measures of average slave productivity and to compare productivity trends across different sectors of the Caribbean. Average productivity rose throughout the Caribbean, and the pattern of average productivity change across regions was similar, indicating an open slave market. These averages mask sharp differences in the growth of demand for slaves among regions, as reflected by their slave populations. Between 1700 and 1790 the increase in demand ranged from 90 per cent in Barbados to 600 per cent in Jamaica and Cuba; while total factor productivity overall may have doubled. The slave trade accommodated the rising demand. It also served to offset population attrition among the slaves. [source] The Legacies of 2007: Remapping the Black Presence in BritainGEOGRAPHY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 3 2009Caroline Bressey The 1807/2007 commemorations of the bicentenary of the Parliamentary Act to abolish the British slave trade stimulated a large number of academic and community based projects, from small scale research to the renovation of national museums. This article reviews the academic and other literatures that informed and have emerged from these projects. It explores how contradictions, fractures and openings highlighted by the 1807/2007 bicentenary and these literatures might be taken forward and developed by geographers interested in the making of Britishness, and the relationship between public geographies and public histories. [source] James Rogers and the Bristol slave trade*HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 192 2003Kenneth Morgan This article examines the business failure of James Rogers, a large Bristol slave trader, within the context of the operation of the late British slave trade in west Africa, on the Middle Passage, and in the Caribbean. Based on a large cache of surviving manuscripts, the article shows that the credit crisis of 1793 led to the demise of Rogers's mercantile career but also that his business collapse stemmed from over-extending his slave trading activities, from relatively poor profit levels, and from attempts to expand his trading portfolio in the eighteen months before the national financial crash. [source] Heritage, Identity and Belonging: African Caribbean Students and Art EducationINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ART & DESIGN EDUCATION, Issue 3 2006Paul Dash This article addresses the issue of Caribbean cultural under-representation in school art departments. It argues that diasporic subjects are not seen and their cultures not recognised precisely because their contributions to the way we live are indivisible from the mainstream. This in contradistinction to some groups whose cultures and heritages are relatively distinct and separate from Western mores. Our ways of understanding culture do not take this into account. Yet diasporic contributions to the way we live have buttressed Western lifestyles since the beginning of the slave trade. The article argues that this relationship, characterised by multiple entanglements, must be recognised if Caribbean cultural identities are to be seen and valued. In doing so it challenges the way we construct notions of cultural heritage and belonging, and promotes the adoption of more risk-taking pedagogies possibly based on contemporary practices. [source] Migrants, Settlers and Colonists: The Biopolitics of Displaced BodiesINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 5 2008Cristiana Bastos All through the nineteenth century, Madeirans migrated from their Atlantic island to places as remote as Hawaii, California, Guyana and, later, South Africa. Scarcity of land, a rigid social structure, periodic famines and rampant poverty made many embark to uncertain destinies and endure the harsh labour conditions of sugarcane plantations. In the 1880s, a few hundred Madeirans engaged in a different venture: an experience of "engineered migration" sponsored by the Portuguese government to colonize the southern Angola plateau. White settlements, together with military control, scientific surveys and expeditions, contributed to strengthen the claims of European nations over specific territories in Africa. At that time, the long lasting claims of Portugal over African territories were not matched by sponsored colonial settlements or precise geographic knowledge about the claimed lands. There was little else representing Portugal than the leftover structures of the slave trade, the penal colonies and the free-lance merchants that ventured inland. In fear of losing land to the neighbouring German, Boer and British groups in south-western Africa, the Portuguese government tried then to promote white settlements by attracting farmers from the mainland into the southern plateau of Angola. As very few responded to the call, the settlement consisted mostly of Madeiran islanders, who were eager to migrate anywhere and took the adventure of Angola as just another destiny out of the island where they could not make a living. Their bodies and actions in the new place became highly surveilled by the medical delegates in charge of assessing their adaptation. The reports document what were then the idealized biopolitics of migration and colonization, interweaving biomedical knowledge and political power over displaced bodies and colonized land. At the same time, those records document the frustrations of the administration about the difficulties of the settlement experience and the ways in which colonial delegates blamed their failure on the very subjects who enacted and suffered through it. The eugenicism and racialism that pervade those writings, a currency during the age of empire, may now be out of taste both in science and in politics; however, they are not fully out of sight, and the subtle entrance of social prejudice into the hard concepts of biomedical science is still with us. Learning from this example may help analysing contemporary processes of medicalizing diversity or pathologizing the mobile populations, or, in other words, the biopolitics of migration in the 21st century. [source] "Do Ourselves Credit and Render a Lasting Service to Mankind": British Moral Prestige, Humanitarian Intervention, and the Barbary PiratesINTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2003Oded Löwenheim This paper raises the issue of moral credibility in international relations and shows that considerations of preserving moral prestige can become crucial for armed humanitarian intervention. It contrasts realist and constructivist explanations about the causes of humanitarian intervention and demonstrates that traditional accounts do not provide a complete understanding of the phenomenon of intervention. In the case studied here, Britain engaged in a relatively costly humanitarian intervention against the Barbary pirates, slave trade in Christian Europeans due to her willingness to defy moral criticism and exhibit consistency with her professed moral principles. No material incentives and/or constraints influenced the British decision, and neither was it affected by a sense of felling, with regard to the Christian slaves. Instead, allegations that Britain urged Europe to abolish the black slave trade out of selfish interests, while at the same time turning a blind eye toward the Christian slave trade of the pirates, undermined British moral prestige and became the cause of the Barbary expedition. [source] Imposing International Norms: Great Powers and Norm Enforcement1INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2007RENEE DE NEVERS What role does force play in changing international norms and who is it used against? This essay argues that when great powers seek to promote new norms, they will coerce the weak; persuasion is saved for the strong. The interaction of two factors,the standing of the target state in the international society of states and its power relative to the norm-promoting great power,helps explain the use, or nonuse, of force by great powers seeking to promote norms. The cases of the slave trade, piracy, and state sponsorship of terrorism are examined to evaluate how the attributes of norm-violating states affect the likelihood that great powers will intervene to encourage states to adopt new norms. Power appears to be the best defense against being targeted by a great power seeking to promote norm change, but good standing in the international society of states is an important deterrent against intervention. [source] Phylogenetic and molecular analysis of HTLV-1 isolates from a medium sized town in Northern of Brazil: Tracing a common origin of the virus from the most endemic city in the country,JOURNAL OF MEDICAL VIROLOGY, Issue 11 2008Themístocles Magalhães Abstract Salvador-Bahia has the highest prevalence of HTLV-1 infection in Brazil; about 2% of the population is infected. In this city, the prevalence of HTLV in pregnant women is 1%. There is no data of the HTLV-1 prevalence in others cities of the Bahia's Recôncavo, where the population has similar social and demography characteristics to those from Salvador. Our aim was to evaluate the seroprevalence of HTLV in pregnant women in Cruz das Almas-Bahia, a medium-sized city from the Bahia's Recôncavo. All individuals were tested for HTLV (ELISA) and the positive samples were confirmed by Western Blot. Phylogenetic analyses of the total LTR region were performed in all positive samples. We tested 408 samples (45.4% of the estimate pregnant women population) between June 1st and October 31, 2005. The prevalence of HTLV-1 infection was 0.98%. In addition, all isolated virus were grouped in the subtype HTLV-1a, in the Latin American group. Our results suggest that the introduction of HTLV-1 occurred after the slave trade into Salvador. In addition, HTLV-1-infection should be screened during the pregnancy in women originating from HTLV-1 endemic areas. J. Med. Virol. 80:2040,2045, 2008. © 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source] The Supreme Court and the Interstate Slave Trade: A Study in Evasion, Anarchy, and ExtremismJOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY, Issue 3 2004DAVID L. LIGHTNER Opponents of slavery often argued that the federal government possessed the constitutional authority to outlaw the interstate slave trade. At its founding in 1833, the American Anti-Slavery Society declared that Congress "has a right, and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domestic slave trade between the several States." The idea had been endorsed earlier, during the Missouri controversy of 1819,1820, by both John Jay and Daniel Webster. Later on, in the 1840s and 1850s, it was supported by such prominent politicians as John Quincy Adams, Salmon P. Chase, and Charles Sumner. Defenders of slavery were, of course, horrified by the suggestion that the South's peculiar institution might be attacked in this way, and they vehemently denied that the Constitution permitted any such action. The prolonged debate over the issue focused on two key provisions of the Constitution. One was the Commerce Clause (Article I, Section 8, Clause 3), which says that Congress has the power to "regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes." The other was the 1808 Clause (Article I, Section 9, Clause 1), which says that the "Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight." Abolitionists held that the Constitution sanctioned congressional interference in the domestic slave trade both generally, by virtue of the Commerce Clause, and specifically, by virtue of the 1808 Clause. They argued that since slaves were routinely bought and sold, they obviously were articles of commerce, and therefore Congress had unlimited authority over interstate slave trafficking. Furthermore, they said, the words "migration or importation" in the 1808 Clause meant that as of January 1, 1808 Congress had acquired the right not only to ban the importation of slaves, but also to prohibit their migration from one state to another. Defenders of slavery replied that Congress could not interfere in property rights and that the power to regulate commerce did not include the power to destroy it. They also said that the word "migration" in the 1808 Clause referred, not to the domestic movement of slaves, but to the entry into the United States of white immigrants from abroad.1 [source] ,-Globin gene cluster haplotypes and ,-thalassemia in sickle cell disease patients from TrinidadAMERICAN JOURNAL OF HUMAN BIOLOGY, Issue 3 2008Altheia Jones-Lecointe In this study, we have determined the frequency of ,S haplotypes in 163 sickle cell disease patients from Trinidad. The ,3.7 globin gene deletion status was also studied with an observed gene frequency of 0.17. Among the 283 ,S chromosomes analyzed, the Benin haplotype was the most prevalent (61.8%) followed by Bantu (17.3%), Senegal (8.5%), Cameroon (3.5%), and Arab-Indian (3.2%), while 5.7% of them were atypical. This ,S haplotypes distribution differed from those previously described in other Caribbean islands (Jamaica, Guadeloupe, and Cuba), in agreement with the known involvement of the major colonial powers (Spain, France, and Great Britain) in the slave trade in Trinidad and documented an Indian origin of the ,S gene. Am. J. Hum. Biol., 2008. © 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source] Trans-Atlantic slavery: Isotopic evidence for forced migration to BarbadosAMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 4 2009Hannes Schroeder Abstract The question of the ultimate origin of African slaves is one of the most perplexing in the history of trans-Atlantic slavery. Here we present the results of a small, preliminary isotopic study that was conducted in order to determine the geographical origin of 25 enslaved Africans who were buried at the Newton plantation, Barbados, sometime between the late 17th and early 19th century. In order to gain a more nuanced understanding of the slaves' origin, we used a combination of carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, and strontium isotope analyses. Carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios were determined in bone and dentinal collagen; oxygen and strontium isotopes were measured in tooth enamel. Results suggest that the majority of individuals were born on the island, if not the estate itself. Seven individuals, however, yielded enamel oxygen and strontium ratios that are inconsistent with a Barbadian origin, which strongly suggests that we are dealing with first-generation captives who were brought to the island with the slave trade. This idea is also supported by the fact that their carbon and nitrogen stable isotope values differ markedly between their teeth and bones. These intra-skeletal shifts reflect major dietary changes that probably coincided with their enslavement and forced migration to Barbados. While it is impossible to determine their exact origins, the results clearly demonstrate that the slaves did not all grow up in the same part of Africa. Instead, the data seem to suggest that they originated from at least three different areas, possibly including the Gold Coast and the Senegambia. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2009. © 2009 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source] Shipwrecks and founder effects: Divergent demographic histories reflected in Caribbean mtDNAAMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 4 2005Antonio Salas Abstract During the period of the Atlantic slave trade (15th,19th centuries), millions of people were forced to move from Africa to many American destinations, changing dramatically the human landscape of the Americas. Here, we analyze mitochondrial DNA from two different American populations with African ancestry, with hitherto unknown European and Native American components. On the basis of historical records, African-Americans from Chocó (Colombia) and the Garífunas (or "Black Carib") of Honduras are likely to have had very different demographic histories, with a significant founder effect in the formation of the latter. Both the common features and differences are reflected in their mtDNA composition. Both show a minor component (,16%) from Native Central/South Americans and a larger component (,84%) from sub-Saharan Africans. The latter component is very diverse in the African-Americans from Chocó, similar to that of sub-Saharan Africans, but much less so in the Garífunas, with several mtDNA types elevated to high frequency, suggesting the action of genetic drift. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2005. © 2005 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source] ,It Wasn't Us and We Didn't Benefit': The Discourse of Opposition to an Apology by Britain for Its Role in the Slave TradeTHE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2008MICHAEL CUNNINGHAM 2007 was the bicentennary of the abolition of slave trading in British ships. It was marked by renewed calls for an apology for Britain's role in the slave trade. Prime Minister Tony Blair expressed his regret for the trade but did not issue an apology. This article examines the discourse of popular opposition to an apology, as articulated in newspapers and on websites, and offers a commentary and critique on the positions adopted.' [source] A Bidirectional Corridor in the Sahel-Sudan Belt and the Distinctive Features of the Chad Basin Populations: A History Revealed by the Mitochondrial DNA GenomeANNALS OF HUMAN GENETICS, Issue 4 2007erný Summary The Chad Basin was sparsely inhabited during the Stone Age, and its continual settlement began with the Holocene. The role played by Lake Chad in the history and migration patterns of Africa is still unclear. We studied the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) variability in 448 individuals from 12 ethnically and/or economically (agricultural/pastoral) different populations from Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria. The data indicate the importance of this region as a corridor connecting East and West Africa; however, this bidirectional flow of people in the Sahel-Sudan Belt did not erase features peculiar to the original Chad Basin populations. A new sub-clade, L3f2, is described, which together with L3e5 is most probably autochthonous in the Chad Basin. The phylogeography of these two sub-haplogroups seems to indicate prehistoric expansion events in the Chad Basin around 28,950 and 11,400 Y.B.P., respectively. The distribution of L3f2 is virtually restricted to the Chad Basin alone, and in particular to Chadic speaking populations, while L3e5 shows evidence for diffusion into North Africa at about 7,100 Y.B.P. The absence of L3f2 and L3e5 in African-Americans, and the limited number of L-haplotypes shared between the Chad Basin populations and African-Americans, indicate the low contribution of the Chad region to the Atlantic slave trade. [source] Diversity of mtDNA lineages in Portugal: not a genetic edge of European variationANNALS OF HUMAN GENETICS, Issue 6 2000L. PEREIRA The analysis of the hypervariable regions I and II of mitochondrial DNA in Portugal showed that this Iberian population presents a higher level of diversity than some neighbouring populations. The classification of the different sequences into haplogroups revealed the presence of all the most important European haplogroups, including those that expanded through Europe in the Palaeolithic, and those whose expansion has occurred during the Neolithic. Additionally a rather distinct African influence was detected in this Portuguese survey, as signalled by the distributions of haplogroups U6 and L, present at higher frequencies than those usually reported in Iberian populations. The geographical distributions of both haplogroups were quite different, with U6 being restricted to North Portugal whereas L was widespread all over the country. This seems to point to different population movements as the main contributors for the two haplogroup introductions. We hypothesise that the recent Black African slave trade could have been the mediator of most of the L sequence inputs, while the population movement associated with the Muslim rule of Iberia has predominantly introduced U6 lineages. [source] The ,reversal of fortune' thesis and the compression of history: Perspectives from African and comparative economic history,JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, Issue 8 2008Gareth Austin Abstract Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson have dramatically challenged the tendency of economists to confine their empirical search for the causes of economic growth to the recent past. They argue that the kind of institutions established by European colonialists, either protecting private property or extracting rents, resulted in the poorer parts of the pre-colonial world becoming some of the richest economies of today; while transforming some of the more prosperous parts of the non-European world of 1500 into the poorest economies today. This view has been further elaborated for Africa by Nunn, with reference to slave trading. Drawing on African and comparative economic historiography, the present paper endorses the importance of examining growth theories against long-term history: revealing relationships that recur because the situations are similar, as well as because of path dependence as such. But it also argues that the causal relationships involved are more differentiated than is recognised in AJR's formulations. By compressing different historical periods and paths, the ,reversal' thesis over-simplifies the causation. Relatively low labour productivity was a premise of the external slave trades; though the latter greatly reinforced the relative poverty of many Sub-Saharan economies. Again, it is important to distinguish settler and non-settler economies within colonial Africa itself. In the latter case it was in the interests of colonial regimes to support, rather than simply extract from, African economic enterprise. Finally, economic rent and economic growth have often been joint products, including in pre-colonial and colonial Africa; the kinds of institutions that favoured economic growth in certain historical contexts were not necessarily optimal for that purpose in others. AJR have done much to bring development economics and economic history together. The next step is a more flexible conceptual framework, and a more complex explanation. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||