Public Space (public + space)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Distribution within Humanities and Social Sciences


Selected Abstracts


PARADES, PUBLIC SPACE, AND PROPAGANDA: THE NAZI CULTURE PARADES IN MUNICH

GEOGRAFISKA ANNALER SERIES B: HUMAN GEOGRAPHY, Issue 4 2008
Joshua Hagen
ABSTRACT. As the birthplace of the Nazi Party and the official Capital of the Movement, Munich assumed a high profile within the party's propaganda apparatus. While Berlin became the political and foreign policy centre of Hitler's Reich and Nuremberg the site of massive displays of national power during the annual party rallies, national and local party leaders launched a series of cultural initiatives to showcase Munich as the Capital of German Art. Munich hosted numerous festivals proclaiming a rebirth of German art and culture, as well as the regime's supposedly peaceful intentions for domestic and international audiences. To help achieve these goals, Nazi leaders staged a series of extravagant parades in Munich celebrating German cultural achievements. The parades provided an opportunity for the regime to monopolize Munich's public spaces through performances of its particular vision of German history, culture and national belonging. While such mass public spectacles had obvious propaganda potential, several constraints, most prominently Munich's existing spatial layout, limited the parades' effectiveness. [source]


Security Zones and New York City's Shrinking Public Space

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2010
JEREMY NÉMETH
Abstract Urban scholars lament the loss of public space due to heightened security and behavioral controls borne of economic priorities and anti-terror concerns after September 11th 2001. Owners and managers of government buildings, banks and courthouses have closed streets and fitted the surrounding space with concrete barriers, bollards and moat-like structures to prevent potential terror attacks. These are reasonable protections in emergency situations, but, as threat levels fall, these zones fail to incorporate a diversity of users, privatizing the space for those with security clearance. The ubiquity of these zones encourages us to consider them as a new type of land use. To test this statement, we describe the results of site visits to two high-profile New York City neighborhoods (one with numerous civic buildings, the other populated with corporate headquarters). Using a simple tool we developed, we find that 27% of aggregate non-building area in the two districts is now in a security zone. Interestingly, the percentage of space within each district that can be classed as a security zone is reasonably similar, providing insight into the way in which terror targets are internally and externally defined and justified. We argue that this new type of land use is an important and permanent feature of twenty-first century global cities. Résumé Les chercheurs en sciences urbaines regrettent la perte d'espace public, incriminant souvent les contrôles accrus de sécurité et de comportement suscités par des priorités économiques ou des préoccupations anti-terroristes depuis le 11 septembre 2001. Propriétaires et gestionnaires de bâtiments publics, banques et tribunaux ont fermé des rues et équipé l'espace environnant d'obstacles en béton, de plots et de quasi-fossés afin de parer aux attaques terroristes potentielles. Ces protections sont normales en situations d'urgence, mais lorsque la menace décroît, les zones concernées ne parviennent pas à diversifier leurs usagers, l'espace étant réservé aux détenteurs de droits d'accès. L'ubiquité de ces zones pousse à les considérer comme un nouveau type d'occupation des sols. Pour vérifier cette affirmation, nous présentons les résultats de visites dans deux quartiers éminents de New York, l'un regroupant de nombreux bâtiments publics, l'autre une multitude de sièges sociaux. Au moyen d'un outil simple développé par nos soins, nous constatons que 27% de la surface cumulée non bâtie dans les deux secteurs sont désormais dans une zone sécurisée. Il faut noter que, dans chaque secteur, la proportion de l'espace qui peut être classé en zone sécurisée est relativement similaire, donnant un éclairage sur la façon dont les cibles terroristes sont définies et justifiées sur les plans intérieur et extérieur. Selon nous, ce nouveau type d'occupation des sols constitue un caractère important et permanent des villes planétaires du xxie siècle. [source]


Migrants and Changing Urban Periphery: Social Relations, Cultural Diversity and the Public Space in Istanbul's New Neighbourhoods

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 3 2008
Sencer Ayata
This study examines the dynamics of socio-cultural change in a peripheral neighbourhood in Istanbul, an "edge city" that is ethnically mixed, culturally heterogeneous, socially differentiated and spatially multi-functional. One major focus in the study is the changing nature of social relations in traditional groups. Though kinship, hem,eri (place of origin) and neighbourhood solidarity is still crucial in the lives of the migrants, participation in these groups becomes more voluntary and the ties among members less obligatory. Secondly, the ethnic and religious groupings in the neighbourhood are not always exclusive, authoritarian and patriarchal communities. What generally appears as rigid communitarian fragmentation is often one of cultural diversity for the residents of the locality. The associational pluralism that exists in the neighbourhood enables people to claim multiple ethnic, religious, political and cultural identities. Thirdly, though they compare unfavourably with their middle class counterparts in the city, the new neighbourhoods provide greater opportunities and more public space for interaction among the members of the locality than for instance, the rural communities. The study also questions the often taken-for-granted image of a rigidly polarized city in view of empirical evidence that indicates the multiple and complex economic and political links between the new neighbourhoods and the broader urban society. Finally, isolation from middle class areas in the city does not necessarily lead to the exclusion of the whole peripheral urban population from urban life, urban institutions and urban culture. These become increasingly present in the new neighbourhoods and available for the majority of the residents. The main conclusion is that Istanbul contains a number of such edge cities, which have powerful integrating and urbanizing influences on individuals. Les migrants et l'évolution de la périphérie urbaine: relations sociales, diversité culturelle et espace public dans les nouveaux quartiers d'Istanbul La présente étude examine la dynamique des changements socioculturels dans un quartier de la périphérie d'Istanbul, une « ville-lisière » (edge city) caractérisée par sa mixité ethnique, son hétérogénéité culturelle, sa différenciation sociale et son espace multifonctionnel. L'un des principaux axes de la présente étude est la nature changeante des relations sociales au sein des groupes traditionnels. Premièrement, bien que la parenté, hem,eri (le lieu d'origine), et la solidarité des résidants des quartiers restent essentiels dans la vie des migrants, la participation à ces groupes devient plus volontaire et les liens entre ses membres sont moins contraints. Deuxièmement, les regroupements ethniques et religieux au sein des quartiers ne constituent pas toujours des communautés privées, autoritaires et patriarcales. Ce qui semble généralement être une fragmentation rigide en communautés est souvent une marque de la diversité culturelle pour les résidants de la localité. Le pluralisme des associations permet aux personnes de revendiquer différentes identités ethniques, religieuses, politiques et culturelles. Troisièmement, même s'ils ne peuvent soutenir la comparaison avec leurs équivalents urbains habités par la classe moyenne, ces nouveaux quartiers offrent davantage de possibilités et d'espace public pour les rencontres entre membres de la localité que les communautés rurales par exemple. L'étude remet aussi en question l'image que l'on a souvent d'une ville rigide et polarisée en faisant état des témoignages empiriques qui attestent de la complexité et de la multitude des liens économiques et politiques entre les nouveaux quartiers et la société urbaine au sens large. Enfin, être isolé des zones urbaines où habitent les classes moyennes n'entraîne pas nécessairement l'exclusion de l'ensemble de la population urbaine vivant en périphérie de la vie, des institutions et de la culture urbaines qui sont de plus en plus présentes dans les nouveaux quartiers et accessibles à la majorité des résidants. La conclusion principale est qu'Istanbul comporte un certain nombre de villes-lisières de ce genre, dont l'influence sur les habitants en matière d'intégration et d'urbanisation est très forte. Relaciones sociales, diversidad cultural y espacio público en los nuevos vecindarios de Estambul En este estudio se examina la dinámica del cambio sociocultural en los vecindarios periféricos de Estambul, una "ciudad suburbana"étnicamente mixta, culturalmente heterogénea, socialmente diferenciada y espacialmente multifuncional. Uno de los principales centros de atención de este estudio es la naturaleza cambiante de las relaciones sociales en los grupos tradicionales. Si bien la buena voluntad, el hem,eri (lugar de origen) y la solidaridad de los vecinos siguen siendo fundamentales en la vida de los migrantes, la participación en estos grupos se convierte en una cuestión de carácter voluntario y los vínculos entre los mismos no son obligatorios. En segundo lugar, las agrupaciones étnicas y religiosas en el vecindario no siempre son comunidades exclusivas, autoritarias o patriarcales. Lo que, generalmente, parece ser una fragmentación comunitaria rígida es más bien una diversidad cultural de los residentes de la localidad. El pluralismo asociativo que existe en el vecindario permite a las personas preservar diversas identidades étnicas, religiosas, políticas y culturales. En tercer lugar, si bien salen desfavorecidos en la comparación con sus equivalentes de la clase media en la ciudad, los nuevos vecindarios proveen mayores oportunidades y espacio público para la interacción de sus miembros de la localidad que, por ejemplo, las comunidades rurales. Este estudio también cuestiona la imagen a priori de una ciudad rígidamente polarizada ya que hay pruebas que indican los múltiples y complexos vínculos económicos y políticos existentes entre los nuevos vecindarios y la sociedad urbana amplia. Finalmente, el aislamiento de zonas de la clase media en la ciudad no conduce necesariamente a su exclusión de la vida, instituciones y cultura urbanas. Estas están omnipresentes en los nuevos vecindarios y disponibles para la mayoría de sus residentes. La principal conclusión de este artículo es que Estambul contiene una serie de estas ciudades periféricas, que tienen poderosas influencias integradoras y urbanizadoras en las personas. [source]


Political Communication in a European Public Space: Language, the Internet and Understanding as Soft Power,

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 2 2008
RICHARD ROSE
This article demonstrates that the European Union's linguistic diversity policy is a barrier to greater popular participation in a European public space. It sets out three political communication models: elite discourse, aggregative democracy and deliberation in a European public space; each has different linguistic requirements. It presents survey evidence showing that Europeans are ,voting with their mouths' for a single lingua franca, resulting in English as a foreign language (EFL) becoming the most widely understood language in the EU and its use on the internet for transnational as well as domestic communication. More than one-third of Europeans now have the basic prerequisites for participation in a European public space: they are internet users and know the lingua franca of Europe, EFL. The EU's linguistic diversity policy is even more a barrier for participation in a global public space in which EFL is now the lingua franca of Asia and other continents. It concludes that knowledge of EFL does not confer soft power on Anglophones but on Europeans using it in interactions with monoglot American and English speakers. [source]


Heterotopia and the City: Public Space in a Postcivil Society edited by Michiel Dehaene and Lieven De Cauter

JOURNAL OF REGIONAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2010
Robert Oliver
No abstract is available for this article. [source]


New Immigrant Youth Interpreting in White Public Space

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 2 2009
Jennifer F. Reynolds
ABSTRACT Bilingual children are frequently called on to use their linguistic and communicative virtuosity to interpret for monolingual speakers. In this article, we theorize child interpreters' positionalities within the interstices of several borderlands: as children; as interpreters and translators interpreting different languages, registers, and discourses; and as immigrants seeking services within white public space. We analyze how youths are positioned to provide service and surveillance within overdetermined interpreter-mediated practices. In examining these practices, we raise to consciousness some of the social and ideological conditions that circumscribe working-class Latino/a and new Mexican immigrant children within inherently unequal subject positions. [Keywords: interpreter-mediated interactions, childhood, Mexican new immigrants, racialization, white public space] [source]


On the Plaza: The Politics of Public Space and Culture

AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 3 2001
Robert Rotenberg
On the Plaza: The Politics of Public Space and Culture. Setha M. Low. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2000. 296 pp. [source]


Parliament and the Palace of Westminster: An Exploration of Public Space in the Early Seventeenth Century*

PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 1 2002
CHRIS R. KYLE
First page of article [source]


Locating Impropriety: Street Drinking, Moral Order, and the Ideological Dilemma of Public Space

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2006
John Dixon
Drawing on research in urban sociology, cultural geography, and social psychology, this paper explores some of the moral rules that govern social relations in public places. In particular, we consider how certain practices become classified as everyday incivilities,infractions of the moral order that sustains public life. In order to develop this notion, we draw illustrations from an ongoing research project that is investigating social attitudes towards "street drinking," an activity that has led to the creation of "alcohol-free zones" in over 100 British cities during the past decade. As an emergent theme, this research has suggested that the classification of street drinking as either acceptable or unacceptable conduct is contingent upon the social construction of public space that users invoke. This theme is discussed in the context of wider struggles over citizenship and social control in the public domain,struggles manifest within "ideological dilemmas" (Billig et al., 1988) over the limits of free conduct, the tension between open and closed public spaces, and the attempt to distinguish "admissible" from "inadmissible" publics. [source]


On Rekindling the Light of Public Space

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW, Issue 5 2009
Frank E. Scott
No abstract is available for this article. [source]


Gender, Public Space and Social Segregation in Cairo: Of Taxi Drivers, Prostitutes and Professional Women

ANTIPODE, Issue 3 2009
Anouk De Koning
Abstract:, Cairo's cityscape has transformed rapidly as a result of the neoliberal policies that Egypt adopted in the early 1990s. This article examines the spatial negotiations of class in liberalizing Cairo. While much scholarly attention has been devoted to the impact of neoliberal policies on global cities of the South, few studies have adopted an ethnographic focus to examine the everyday negotiations of such transformations. I examine the ways young female upper-middle-class professionals navigate Cairo's public spaces, both the safe spaces of the upscale coffee shops and the open spaces of the streets. Their urban trajectories can be read as the footsteps of the social segregation that has increasingly come to mark Cairo's cityscape. I conclude that the bodies of upper-middle-class women have become a battleground for new class configurations and contestations, literally embodying both power and fragility of Cairo's upper-middle class in Egypt's new liberal age. [source]


User-Focused Public Space(M)UTOPIA in Denmark

ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN, Issue 1 2008
Serban Cornea
Abstract The Danish practice MUTOPIA brings to public space a strong sense of delight and playfulness, while demonstrating an overriding concern with the end user. As Serban Cornea of MUTOPIA explains, a temporary plaza for the extensive development of Orestad Nord in Copenhagen aims ,to speed up the process of creating the area's own identity', while the practice's housing for Lyngby-Taarb'k, Hovedstaden, audaciously puts the ,garden' back into the ,garden suburb' by relocating the transport infrastructure to the rooftops. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]


Revisiting the End of Public Space: Assembling the Public in an Urban Park

CITY & COMMUNITY, Issue 2 2010
David J. Madden
A case study of the renovation of New York City's Bryant Park, this article revisits the end of public space thesis. The renovated park signifies not the end of public space but the new ends to which public space is oriented. In Bryant Park, a new logic of urban publicity was assembled and built into the landscape. The social and technical means by which this transformation was achieved are analyzed. New public spaces of this sort promulgate a conception of the public that is decoupled from discourses of democratization, citizenship, and self-development and connected ever more firmly to consumption, commerce, and social surveillance. If such places do not herald the end of public space, they do represent "publicity without democracy." Analizando la Desaparición del Espacio Público: creando el público en un parque urbano (David J. Madden) Resumen A partir del estudio de caso de la renovación del Parque Bryant en la ciudad de Nueva York, este artículo analiza la tesis de la desaparición del espacio público. La renovación de dicho parque no indica la desaparición del espacio público sino los nuevos usos a los que se orienta dicho espacio. En el Parque Bryant, se creó y puso en práctica una nueva lógica de publicidad urbana inserta en el entorno. El artículo analiza los medios sociales y técnicos utilizados para esta transformación. Los nuevos espacios públicos de este tipo promueven una concepción de lo público disociada de las narrativas de democratización, ciudadanía y desarrollo autónomo y conectada con más firmeza que antes al consumo, el comercio y el control social. Si bien dichos lugares no anuncian el fin del espacio público, sí representan una "publicidad sin democracia". [source]


Common Schools and Uncommon Conversations: Education, Religious Speech and Public Spaces

JOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION, Issue 4 2007
KENNETH A. STRIKE
This paper discusses the role of religious speech in the public square and the common school. It argues for more openness to political theology than many liberals are willing to grant and for an educational strategy of engagement over one of avoidance. The paper argues that the exclusion of religious debate from the public square has dysfunctional consequences. It discusses Rawls's more recent views on public reason and claims that, while they are not altogether adequate, they are consistent with engagement. The outcome of these arguments is applied to three ,hot button' issues in US education: creationism, an issue of gay rights, and teaching the Bible in schools. [source]


Human Rights and Unfair Dismissal: Private Acts in Public Spaces

THE MODERN LAW REVIEW, Issue 6 2008
Article first published online: 24 OCT 200, Virginia Mantouvalou
This article addresses the termination of employment because of the conduct of the employee in her leisure time, in the light of the right to private life. It explores the impact on the retention of employment of activities taking place outside the workplace and outside working hours, and argues that the approach of UK courts and tribunals, which is based on a primarily spatial conceptualisation of privacy, is flawed. A fresh approach to privacy, resting on the idea of domination, is proposed, which is sensitive to the particularities of the employment relationship. Considering the fairness enquiry in dismissal, it argues that off-duty conduct may lead to lawful termination of employment only if there is a clear and present impact or a high likelihood of such impact on business interests; a speculative and marginal danger does not suffice. It further proposes that a particularly meticulous test is appropriate when certain suspect categories, such as the employees' sexual preferences, are at stake. [source]


Public Spaces for National Commemoration: The Case of Emlotheni Memorial, Port Elizabeth

ANTHROPOLOGY & HUMANISM, Issue 1 2003
Birthe Rytter Hansen
This article examines how commemorative projects try to deal with the past in the present in order to make possible the imagination of a united South African nation. It looks at how one commemorative site, Emlotheni Memorial, was intended to act as part of the larger nation-building project in South Africa. Taking up issues of ancestral belief, social space, and recognition, this article examines how residents experienced the memorial as exclusive rather than inclusive. The article argues that the memorial site, rather than providing an opportunity for local residents and other South Africans to participate in building a shared history and identity, instead ended up reproducing the segregated past of South Africa. [source]


The Potential of Istanbul's Unprogrammed Public Spaces

ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN, Issue 1 2010
Hülya Erta
Abstract Istanbul recreates itself constantly. A continually evolving city, it can be likened to a living organism. As Hülya Erta, explains it owes much of its vibrancy and heterogeneity to its unprogrammed spaces. These create a blank canvas for the metropolis' citizens and their activities. They are also at the essence of the city's enviable diversity, as they provide important meeting places for a rich mix of social and ethnic groups. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]


Property as Interorganizational Discourse: Rights in the Politics of Public Spaces

COMMUNICATION THEORY, Issue 2 2008
Todd Norton
In this article, I extend organization and communication theory to conceptualize property as an interorganizational discourse. As an analytic of discourse's capacity to gain and defend stakeholder rights in the public domain, property discourses provide a rigorous, language-centered approach to organizational conflict over environmental spaces by conceptualizing how material,symbolic tensions play out diachronically. I ground this theoretical terrain through a discourse analysis of a decade-long conflict over public lands in the southern part of the U.S. state of Utah. The case,Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument,constitutes a significant clash of politics between environmental preservation and extraction and especially what political regime ought to control roads accessing this 1.9-million-acre national monument. The analysis and interpretation indicate that property politics involve a complex interplay of symbolic and material forces among stakeholders. Conceptualized in this way property discourses provide considerable insight as many nations and societies face escalating struggles over increasingly scarce resources. Résumé La propriété comme discours interorganisationnel : les droits dans la politique des espaces publics Dans cet article, j'élargis les théories de l,organisation et de la communication pour conceptualiser la propriété comme un discours interorganisationnel. Comme élément analytique de la capacité du discours de gagner et de défendre les droits des parties prenantes dans le domaine public, les discours de propriété offrent une approche rigoureuse et centrée sur le langage pour l'analyse des conflits organisationnels à propos d,espaces environnementaux. En effet, ils permettent de conceptualiser la manière dont les tensions matérielles-symboliques ont lieu de façon diachronique. Je fonde ce terrain théorique sur l'analyse discursive d,un conflit s'étirant sur une dizaine d'années autour de terres publiques dans la partie australe de l'État américain de l,Utah. Le cas , Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument (GS-ENM) , consiste en une dispute politique importante autour de la préservation de l'environnement et de l,extraction et, surtout, autour de la question à savoir quel régime politique devrait pouvoir contrôler des routes donnant accès à ce monument national d'une superficie de 1,9 million d,acres. L'analyse et l,interprétation indiquent que les politiques de propriété impliquent une interaction complexe de forces symboliques et matérielles des parties prenantes. Conceptualisés de cette manière, les discours de propriété offrent un aperçu considérable alors que plusieurs nations et sociétés font face à des luttes qui s'intensifient autour de ressources de plus en plus rares. Abstract Eigentum als Diskurs zwischen Organisationen. Rechte in der Politik des öffentlichen Raums In diesem Artikel erweitere ich Organisations- und Kommunikationstheorie, um Eigentum als Diskurs zwischen Organisationen zu konzeptualisieren. Als eine Analyse der Vermögens eines Diskurses, Akteursrechte in der öffentlichen Domäne zu erlangen und zu verteidigen, bieten Diskurse zum Eigentum einen entscheidenden, sprachzentrierten Ansatz zu Organisationskonflikten bezüglich Umwelträumen, indem nämlich konzeptualisiert wird, wie material-symbolische Spannungen im Zeitverlauf zusammenspielen. Die Theorie basiert auf der Diskursanalyse eines Jahrzehnte dauernden Konflikts um öffentliches Land im Süden des US-Bundesstaates Utah. Der Fall - Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument (GS-ENM) - bildet einen wichtigen Politikkonflikt zwischen Umweltschutz und Förderung ab , insbesondere bezüglich der Frage, welches politische Regime die Zugangsstraßen zu diesem 190 km2 großen nationalen Monuments kontrollieren soll. Die Analyse und Interpretation zeigt, dass Eigentumspolitik ein komplexes Zusammenspiel von symbolischen und materiellen Kräften von Akteuren ist. Auf diese Weise konzeptualisiert, lassen sich vor dem Hintergrund knapper werdender Ressourcen und daraus entstehenden nationalen und gesellschaftlichen Krisen wichtige Einsichten gewinnen. Resumen La Propiedad como Discurso entre las Organizaciones: Los Derechos en la Política de los Espacios Públicos En este artículo extiendo la teoría de la organización y la comunicación para conceptualizar la propiedad como un discurso entre organizaciones. Como un elemento analítico de la capacidad del discurso para ganar y defender los derechos de los interesados en el dominio público, los discursos de la propiedad proveen una aproximación rigurosa y un lenguaje centrado en el conflicto organizacional de los espacios medioambientales a través de una conceptualización de cómo las tensiones entre lo material y lo simbólico juegan un rol diacrónico. Conecto este terreno teórico a través de un análisis de una década de un discurso de conflicto sobre las tierras públicas en la parte sur del estado de Utah. El caso,Grand Staircase-Escalante Monumento Nacional (GS-ENM),constituye un enfrentamiento significativo de las políticos de preservación del medioambiente y la extracción y especialmente qué régimen político debe controlar los caminos de acceso a este monumento nacional de 1.9 millones de acres. El análisis y la interpretación indican que la política de la propiedad incluye la compleja interacción de fuerzas simbólicas y materiales entre los interesados. Conceptualizada de esta manera los discursos de la propiedad proveen de un entendimiento considerable para las muchas naciones y sociedades que enfrentan considerable disputas sobre los crecientes recursos escasos. ZhaiYao Yo yak [source]


"Dangerous Instrumentality": The Bystander as Subject in Automobility

CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 1 2004
Sarah S. Lochlann Jain
ABSTRACT The automobile has been rendered invisible as a designed object that injures not only its consumers but other users of the street. This blind spot in how liability has been distributed in crash injuries has had three primary effects. First, it has resulted in a material distribution of goods in which the legal liability of automobile design as a cause of injury has been minimized. Second, it has determined how goods such as public space have been distributed, and third, it has had a constitutive role on how social and legal subjects such as a bad mothers and negligent drivers have been produced. [source]


A community development approach to deal with public drug use in Box Hill

DRUG AND ALCOHOL REVIEW, Issue 1 2007
NEIL ROGERS
Abstract The use of alcohol and other drugs in public space is one that generates much heat in the public discourse and in the media. Too often the responses called for to reduce the problems of public amenity involve punitive policing and other responses that aim to engineer (mostly) young people out of these public spaces. Often local retailers are a key stakeholder group calling loudest for punitive action. In this Harm Reduction Digest Rogers and Anderson describe a community development approach taken to address these problems in Box Hill in the City of Whitehorse, near Melbourne. This approach which aimed to develop ,bridging social capital' between community retailers and other stakeholders in the area appears to have been effective in reducing harm associated with public drug use. Moreover these changes have become institutionalised and the approach has been expanded to address other public amenity problems in the area. It is a very nice example of how drug related harm can be reduced by grass roots networks of local councils, business people, law enforcement and health and welfare service providers to address these issues. [source]


Migrant mobilization between political institutions and citizenship regimes: A comparison of France and Switzerland

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2004
Marco Giugni
This article focuses on the political claims made by immigrants and ethnic minorities in France and Switzerland. We look at cross-national variations in the overall presence of immigrants and ethnic minorities in the national public space, and the forms and content of their claims. Following a political opportunity approach, we argue that claim-making is affected both by institutional opportunities and by national models of citizenship. The civic-assimilationist conception of citizenship in France gives migrants greater legitimacy to intervene in the national public space. Furthermore, the inclusive definition of ,membership in the national community' favors claims pertaining to minority integration politics. However, the pressure toward assimilation to the republican norms and values tends to provoke claims for the recognition of ethnic and cultural difference. Finally, closed institutional opportunities push migrants' mobilization to become more radical, but at the same time the more inclusive model of citizenship favors a moderate action repertoire of migrants. Conversely, the ethnic-assimilationist view in Switzerland leads migrants to stress homeland-related claims. When they do address the policy field of ethnic relations, immigration and citizenship, they focus on issues pertaining to the entry and stay in the host society. Finally, the forms of action are more moderate due to the more open institutional context, but at the same time the action repertoire of migrants is moderated by the more exclusive model of citizenship. Our article is an attempt to specify the concept of ,political opportunity structure', and to combine institutional and cultural factors in explaining claim-making by immigrants and ethnic minorities. We confront our arguments with data from a comparative project on the mobilization on ethnic relations, citizenship and immigration. [source]


Rewards and Challenges of Using Ethnography in Family Research

FAMILY & CONSUMER SCIENCES RESEARCH JOURNAL, Issue 1 2007
Lara Descartes
Ethnography offers many potential benefits to family researchers, such as providing on-the-ground knowledge of the contexts that affect family functioning and processes. This article describes ethnographic methods and reviews how they have been and may be used in family research, whether alone or in combination with more traditional approaches. The author's fieldwork experiences are used to discuss some of the rewards and challenges of ethnography. The ways in which issues of personal identity and power may impact the relationship between the ethnographer and research participants are examined. Also discussed are the ways in which contemporary constructions of private and public space and time affect the ethnographic process. The goal of the article is to highlight the value of ethnography to family research and to increase awareness of some of the factors to be considered while planning such work. [source]


Women in the Field: Women, Farming and Organizations

GENDER, WORK & ORGANISATION, Issue 2 2001
Sally Shortall
One striking feature of farming as an occupation is that there are few women who farm in their own right. The passing of land from father to son means that women rarely own land. Their typical entry to farming is through marriage. Women's route of entry to farming affects interpersonal relationships within the family, and also women's role in the public space of farming. Women are under-represented in farming organizations, in training programmes, and in the politics of farming. This article focuses on the position of women within farming organizations and the interaction between (male) farming organizations and women's farming organizations. Farmers are an extremely well-organized occupation and wield considerable political power because of this effective organization. However, farming organizations are almost entirely male. This article examines how women are treated within farming organizations, and also the interaction between (male) farming organizations and women's farming organizations. Drawing on the theory of organizations, I argue that the inclusion of women in farming organizations and the existence of women's farming organizations reinforce gender divisions within agriculture and do not in any way question the understanding of men as farmers, or the political power they hold. [source]


,It's a public, I reckon': Publicness and a Suburban Shopping Mall in Sydney's Southwest

GEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2010
ADAM TYNDALL
Abstract Traditionally, public space has been perceived as an integral part of fully functioning liberal democracy. Yet much research argues that public space is in decline due to regimes of neoliberal governance paralleled with a growth in quasi-public spaces such as shopping malls, casinos and gated communities. It is argued that these new spatial forms posit a commercialised, sanitised and ultimately exclusionary urban form in place of more egalitarian, engaging and ultimately democratic public spaces. Increasingly, however, urban research has questioned the veracity of the claims made about the nature of traditional public space as well as investigating the marginal and contingent nature of publicness as constituted by and enacted in a variety of places. Drawing on Foucault's concept of heterotopic space, this paper reports on a qualitative study based on focus group interviews conducted with users of a suburban shopping mall in Sydney's southwest. The research uncovers both a more complex and less overtly deterministic publicness than has previously been identified in such spaces. From these findings the paper argues for a conception of publicity which moves beyond the zero-sum game approach endemic in much work in this area to one which analyses the qualitative effect quasi-public spaces are having on the nature of publicness in the Australian context. The paper concludes by arguing that a rethinking of publicness allows room for the emergence of a more progressive public ethic. [source]


After the Public Realm: Spaces of Representation, Transition and Plurality

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ART & DESIGN EDUCATION, Issue 3 2000
Malcolm Miles
This essay questions the privileging of the design of public over domestic spaces and buildings in architecture and urban design, and their education, and the identification of public space with a public realm seen as the location of democracy. It cites the case made by Doreen Massey that the division of public and private realms is gendered, allowing men the freedom of public affairs whilst confining women to domesticity; and argues that a dualism of public and private space ignores a third area of transitional spaces which affect patterns of urban sociation. The case of redevelopment in El Raval, Barcelona, demonstrates that public space may be, today, part of an anti-democratic strategy of gentrification. But, if public space constructs a gendered public realm as imposition, there remains, as Hannah Arendt contends, a need for locations of social mixing in which difference is visible. What, if not public space, enables this? [source]


Television and Violence in the Economy of Memory

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF JAPANESE SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2002
Mamoru Ito
The present paper aims to consider the cultural function of television as a technology for the creation of a public memory. The television system records past images, preserves them, and broadcasts various historical programs. A viewer owns the public memory jointly, through watching/consuming programs. However, the process of production and consumption of programs is linked with the exclusion of other historical memories from the public space. After all, the creation of public memories in depth is related to social power. Through the analysis in concrete terms of a series of programs of Project X and the second episode of the Nippon Hoso Kyokai (NHK; Japan Broadcasting Corporation) series, Special Edition: Judging War, the relationship between the organization of public memories and social power is explored. Project X depicts the challenges of engineers of middle standing who initiated new industrial and technological developments in the 1960s and 1970s. Special Edition: Judging War is based on coverage of the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan's Military Sexual Slavery. This program was subjected to revision on the eve of its broadcast. What forms of expression were eliminated? These two programs should help us define more clearly what the Japanese media selects for incorporation into the public memory. [source]


Security Zones and New York City's Shrinking Public Space

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2010
JEREMY NÉMETH
Abstract Urban scholars lament the loss of public space due to heightened security and behavioral controls borne of economic priorities and anti-terror concerns after September 11th 2001. Owners and managers of government buildings, banks and courthouses have closed streets and fitted the surrounding space with concrete barriers, bollards and moat-like structures to prevent potential terror attacks. These are reasonable protections in emergency situations, but, as threat levels fall, these zones fail to incorporate a diversity of users, privatizing the space for those with security clearance. The ubiquity of these zones encourages us to consider them as a new type of land use. To test this statement, we describe the results of site visits to two high-profile New York City neighborhoods (one with numerous civic buildings, the other populated with corporate headquarters). Using a simple tool we developed, we find that 27% of aggregate non-building area in the two districts is now in a security zone. Interestingly, the percentage of space within each district that can be classed as a security zone is reasonably similar, providing insight into the way in which terror targets are internally and externally defined and justified. We argue that this new type of land use is an important and permanent feature of twenty-first century global cities. Résumé Les chercheurs en sciences urbaines regrettent la perte d'espace public, incriminant souvent les contrôles accrus de sécurité et de comportement suscités par des priorités économiques ou des préoccupations anti-terroristes depuis le 11 septembre 2001. Propriétaires et gestionnaires de bâtiments publics, banques et tribunaux ont fermé des rues et équipé l'espace environnant d'obstacles en béton, de plots et de quasi-fossés afin de parer aux attaques terroristes potentielles. Ces protections sont normales en situations d'urgence, mais lorsque la menace décroît, les zones concernées ne parviennent pas à diversifier leurs usagers, l'espace étant réservé aux détenteurs de droits d'accès. L'ubiquité de ces zones pousse à les considérer comme un nouveau type d'occupation des sols. Pour vérifier cette affirmation, nous présentons les résultats de visites dans deux quartiers éminents de New York, l'un regroupant de nombreux bâtiments publics, l'autre une multitude de sièges sociaux. Au moyen d'un outil simple développé par nos soins, nous constatons que 27% de la surface cumulée non bâtie dans les deux secteurs sont désormais dans une zone sécurisée. Il faut noter que, dans chaque secteur, la proportion de l'espace qui peut être classé en zone sécurisée est relativement similaire, donnant un éclairage sur la façon dont les cibles terroristes sont définies et justifiées sur les plans intérieur et extérieur. Selon nous, ce nouveau type d'occupation des sols constitue un caractère important et permanent des villes planétaires du xxie siècle. [source]


Migrants and Changing Urban Periphery: Social Relations, Cultural Diversity and the Public Space in Istanbul's New Neighbourhoods

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 3 2008
Sencer Ayata
This study examines the dynamics of socio-cultural change in a peripheral neighbourhood in Istanbul, an "edge city" that is ethnically mixed, culturally heterogeneous, socially differentiated and spatially multi-functional. One major focus in the study is the changing nature of social relations in traditional groups. Though kinship, hem,eri (place of origin) and neighbourhood solidarity is still crucial in the lives of the migrants, participation in these groups becomes more voluntary and the ties among members less obligatory. Secondly, the ethnic and religious groupings in the neighbourhood are not always exclusive, authoritarian and patriarchal communities. What generally appears as rigid communitarian fragmentation is often one of cultural diversity for the residents of the locality. The associational pluralism that exists in the neighbourhood enables people to claim multiple ethnic, religious, political and cultural identities. Thirdly, though they compare unfavourably with their middle class counterparts in the city, the new neighbourhoods provide greater opportunities and more public space for interaction among the members of the locality than for instance, the rural communities. The study also questions the often taken-for-granted image of a rigidly polarized city in view of empirical evidence that indicates the multiple and complex economic and political links between the new neighbourhoods and the broader urban society. Finally, isolation from middle class areas in the city does not necessarily lead to the exclusion of the whole peripheral urban population from urban life, urban institutions and urban culture. These become increasingly present in the new neighbourhoods and available for the majority of the residents. The main conclusion is that Istanbul contains a number of such edge cities, which have powerful integrating and urbanizing influences on individuals. Les migrants et l'évolution de la périphérie urbaine: relations sociales, diversité culturelle et espace public dans les nouveaux quartiers d'Istanbul La présente étude examine la dynamique des changements socioculturels dans un quartier de la périphérie d'Istanbul, une « ville-lisière » (edge city) caractérisée par sa mixité ethnique, son hétérogénéité culturelle, sa différenciation sociale et son espace multifonctionnel. L'un des principaux axes de la présente étude est la nature changeante des relations sociales au sein des groupes traditionnels. Premièrement, bien que la parenté, hem,eri (le lieu d'origine), et la solidarité des résidants des quartiers restent essentiels dans la vie des migrants, la participation à ces groupes devient plus volontaire et les liens entre ses membres sont moins contraints. Deuxièmement, les regroupements ethniques et religieux au sein des quartiers ne constituent pas toujours des communautés privées, autoritaires et patriarcales. Ce qui semble généralement être une fragmentation rigide en communautés est souvent une marque de la diversité culturelle pour les résidants de la localité. Le pluralisme des associations permet aux personnes de revendiquer différentes identités ethniques, religieuses, politiques et culturelles. Troisièmement, même s'ils ne peuvent soutenir la comparaison avec leurs équivalents urbains habités par la classe moyenne, ces nouveaux quartiers offrent davantage de possibilités et d'espace public pour les rencontres entre membres de la localité que les communautés rurales par exemple. L'étude remet aussi en question l'image que l'on a souvent d'une ville rigide et polarisée en faisant état des témoignages empiriques qui attestent de la complexité et de la multitude des liens économiques et politiques entre les nouveaux quartiers et la société urbaine au sens large. Enfin, être isolé des zones urbaines où habitent les classes moyennes n'entraîne pas nécessairement l'exclusion de l'ensemble de la population urbaine vivant en périphérie de la vie, des institutions et de la culture urbaines qui sont de plus en plus présentes dans les nouveaux quartiers et accessibles à la majorité des résidants. La conclusion principale est qu'Istanbul comporte un certain nombre de villes-lisières de ce genre, dont l'influence sur les habitants en matière d'intégration et d'urbanisation est très forte. Relaciones sociales, diversidad cultural y espacio público en los nuevos vecindarios de Estambul En este estudio se examina la dinámica del cambio sociocultural en los vecindarios periféricos de Estambul, una "ciudad suburbana"étnicamente mixta, culturalmente heterogénea, socialmente diferenciada y espacialmente multifuncional. Uno de los principales centros de atención de este estudio es la naturaleza cambiante de las relaciones sociales en los grupos tradicionales. Si bien la buena voluntad, el hem,eri (lugar de origen) y la solidaridad de los vecinos siguen siendo fundamentales en la vida de los migrantes, la participación en estos grupos se convierte en una cuestión de carácter voluntario y los vínculos entre los mismos no son obligatorios. En segundo lugar, las agrupaciones étnicas y religiosas en el vecindario no siempre son comunidades exclusivas, autoritarias o patriarcales. Lo que, generalmente, parece ser una fragmentación comunitaria rígida es más bien una diversidad cultural de los residentes de la localidad. El pluralismo asociativo que existe en el vecindario permite a las personas preservar diversas identidades étnicas, religiosas, políticas y culturales. En tercer lugar, si bien salen desfavorecidos en la comparación con sus equivalentes de la clase media en la ciudad, los nuevos vecindarios proveen mayores oportunidades y espacio público para la interacción de sus miembros de la localidad que, por ejemplo, las comunidades rurales. Este estudio también cuestiona la imagen a priori de una ciudad rígidamente polarizada ya que hay pruebas que indican los múltiples y complexos vínculos económicos y políticos existentes entre los nuevos vecindarios y la sociedad urbana amplia. Finalmente, el aislamiento de zonas de la clase media en la ciudad no conduce necesariamente a su exclusión de la vida, instituciones y cultura urbanas. Estas están omnipresentes en los nuevos vecindarios y disponibles para la mayoría de sus residentes. La principal conclusión de este artículo es que Estambul contiene una serie de estas ciudades periféricas, que tienen poderosas influencias integradoras y urbanizadoras en las personas. [source]


Political Communication in a European Public Space: Language, the Internet and Understanding as Soft Power,

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 2 2008
RICHARD ROSE
This article demonstrates that the European Union's linguistic diversity policy is a barrier to greater popular participation in a European public space. It sets out three political communication models: elite discourse, aggregative democracy and deliberation in a European public space; each has different linguistic requirements. It presents survey evidence showing that Europeans are ,voting with their mouths' for a single lingua franca, resulting in English as a foreign language (EFL) becoming the most widely understood language in the EU and its use on the internet for transnational as well as domestic communication. More than one-third of Europeans now have the basic prerequisites for participation in a European public space: they are internet users and know the lingua franca of Europe, EFL. The EU's linguistic diversity policy is even more a barrier for participation in a global public space in which EFL is now the lingua franca of Asia and other continents. It concludes that knowledge of EFL does not confer soft power on Anglophones but on Europeans using it in interactions with monoglot American and English speakers. [source]


Community-Driven Place Making

JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURAL EDUCATION, Issue 1 2003
The Social Practice of Participatory Design in the Making of Union Point Park
In neighborhoods throughout major American cities, grassroots efforts in community revitalization are reshaping the public processes and institutional framework involving the design and development of public space. Treating the public realm as both a physical space and an expression of relationships between multiple institutions, organizations, and individuals, this study examines the social and political epistemologies and processes behind the creation of a waterfront park in Oakland, California. It also presents a framework of community-driven practice in the making of the public realm, based on converging theories of social movements and planning and a critique of the current participatory design model. [source]