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Psychological Evidence (psychological + evidence)
Selected AbstractsPsychology brings justice: the science of forensic psychology,CRIMINAL BEHAVIOUR AND MENTAL HEALTH, Issue 3 2003Gisli H. Gudjonsson Professor of Forensic Psychology In this paper the focus is on one aspect of forensic psychology: the development of psychological instruments, a social psychological model and assessment procedures for evaluating the credibility of witnesses and police detainees during interviewing. Clinically grounded case work and research has impacted on police interviewing and practice, the admissibility of expert psychological testimony and the outcome of cases of miscarriage of justice. After describing the research that laid the foundations for advancement of scientific knowledge in this area, a brief review is presented of 22 high-profile murder cases where convictions based on confession evidence have been quashed on appeal between 1989 and 2001, often primarily on the basis of psychological evidence. The review of the cases demonstrates that psychological research and expert testimony in cases of disputed confessions have had a profound influence on the practice and ruling of the Court of Appeal for England and Wales and the British House of Lords. The cases presented in this paper show that it is wrong to assume that only persons with learning disability or those who are mentally ill make unreliable or false confessions. Personality factors, such as suggestibility, compliance, high trait anxiety and antisocial personality traits, are often important in rendering a confession unreliable. Future research needs to focus more on the role of personality factors in rendering the evidence of witnesses and suspects potentially unreliable. Copyright © 2003 Whurr Publishers Ltd. [source] Defining and Evaluating Models of Cognition Used in Educational Measurement to Make Inferences About Examinees' Thinking ProcessesEDUCATIONAL MEASUREMENT: ISSUES AND PRACTICE, Issue 2 2007Jacqueline P. Leighton The purpose of this paper is to define and evaluate the categories of cognitive models underlying at least three types of educational tests. We argue that while all educational tests may be based,explicitly or implicitly,on a cognitive model, the categories of cognitive models underlying tests often range in their development and in the psychological evidence gathered to support their value. For researchers and practitioners, awareness of different cognitive models may facilitate the evaluation of educational measures for the purpose of generating diagnostic inferences, especially about examinees' thinking processes, including misconceptions, strengths, and/or abilities. We think a discussion of the types of cognitive models underlying educational measures is useful not only for taxonomic ends, but also for becoming increasingly aware of evidentiary claims in educational assessment and for promoting the explicit identification of cognitive models in test development. We begin our discussion by defining the term cognitive model in educational measurement. Next, we review and evaluate three categories of cognitive models that have been identified for educational testing purposes using examples from the literature. Finally, we highlight the practical implications of "blending" models for the purpose of improving educational measures. [source] The Evolution of the Human Self: Tracing the Natural History of Self-AwarenessJOURNAL FOR THE THEORY OF SOCIAL BEHAVIOUR, Issue 4 2003Mark R. Leary Previous discussions of the evolution of the self have diverged greatly in their estimates of the date at which the capacity for self-thought emerged, the factors that led self-reflection to evolve, and the nature of the evidence offered to support these disparate conclusions. Beginning with the assumption that human self-awareness involves a set of distinct cognitive abilities that evolved at different times to solve different adaptive problems, we trace the evolution of self-awareness from the common ancestor of humans and apes to the beginnings of culture, drawing upon paleontological, anthropological, biological, and psychological evidence. These data converge to suggest that that modern self-thought appeared just prior to the Middle-Upper Paleolithic transition, approximately 60,000 years ago.Recto running head: Evolution of the Self. [source] Conceptualizing sources in online newsJOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 1 2001S S Sundar This study attempts a new conceptualization of communication ,sources' by proposing a typology of sources that would apply not only to traditional media but also to new online media. Ontological rationale for the distinctions in the typology is supplemented by psychological evidence via an experiment that investigated the effects of different types of source attributions upon receivers' perception of online news content. Participants (N=48) in a 4-condition, between-participants experiment read 6 identical news stories each through an online service. Participants were told that the stories were selected by 1 of 4 sources: news editors, the computer terminal on which they were accessing the stories, other audience members (or users) of the online news service, or (using a pseudo-selection task) the individual user (self). After reading each online news story, all participants filled out a paper-and-pencil questionnaire indicating their perceptions of the story they had just read. In confirmation of the distinctions made in the typology, attribution of identical content to 4 different types of online sources was associated with significant variation in news story perception. Theoretical implications of the results as well as the typology are discussed. [source] Meaningful Voices: How Psychologists, Speaking as Psychologists, Can Inform Social PolicyANALYSES OF SOCIAL ISSUES & PUBLIC POLICY, Issue 1 2004David M. Frost Kitzinger and Wilkinson (2004) posit that social advocacy can be argued for within both a discourse of equal rights and a discourse of mental health. They suggest that psychological evidence, because it is bound to a discourse of mental health, is currently not useful in advancing the campaigns for equal marriage rights. In our response to their argument, we (1) agree that the currently available psychological evidence is limited; (2) make the case that it is still important for psychologists to produce evidence that speaks to this debate; and (3) suggest how psychologists, still speaking as psychologists, can produce evidence that speaks to this debate through underutilized theoretical and methodological approaches to relevant issues. The authors analyze a key statement by United States President George W. Bush on the meaning of marriage and the available psychological literature on same-sex relationships to support their position. [source] | ||||||||||