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Presidential Campaign (presidential + campaign)
Selected AbstractsText and Context in the 1952 Presidential Campaign: Eisenhower's "I Shall Go to Korea" SpeechPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2000MARTIN J. MEDHURST This article examines the textual context of Eisenhower's famous "I Shall Go to Korea" speech, delivered during the closing days of the 1952 presidential campaign. Four interlocking contexts of discourse are identified,the discourses of cold war, foreign policy, Korea, and the Eisenhower persona. By rhetorically activating each of these contexts, Eisenhower invited his listeners to understand his speech not merely as a campaign pledge but as a rhetorically, historically, psychologically, and ideologically satisfying means of making sense of the Korean War. Dramatically structured in the form of a courtroom case, with Eisenhower taking on the roles of both prosecuting attorney and witness, the "I Shall Go to Korea" speech was rhetorically tailored to take advantage of the audience's preexisting beliefs, values, and attitudes. [source] A Glorious Disaster: Barry Goldwater's Presidential Campaign and the Origins of the Conservative Movement , By J. William Middendorf IITHE HISTORIAN, Issue 4 2009John J. Langdale III No abstract is available for this article. [source] Never Cared to Say Goodbye: Presidential Legacies and Vice Presidential CampaignsPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2002John M. Murphy Presidents are always concerned with their places in history and spend considerable time trying to influence historical judgments. One important locus for the exercise of such influence is the campaign of a potential successor. This article analyzes the ways in which presidents attempt to influence judgments of their legacies through the campaigns of their vice presidents. We focus on presidential discourse during the campaigns of 1960, 1968, 1988, and 2000. Each president used three primary rhetorical strategies in support of his vice president. These strategies formed a coherent narrative, a story that almost inevitably diminished the vice president and cut against the ostensible goal of the discourse: the elevation of the vice president to the presidency. [source] Legislating for Economic Sclerosis: Are Lawyers a Baleful Influence on Growth Rates?KYKLOS INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, Issue 1 2004Sam Cameron Summary William Easterly, an ex-World Bank economist and widely respected growth theorist, in recently noting that skilled individuals may elect to pursue occupations that redistribute income rather than enhance growth, referred to ,the somewhat whimsical piece of evidence , that economies with lots of lawyers grow more slowly than economies with lots of engineers'. The remark alluded to an assertion by the Bush-Quayle camp during the 1992 Presidential campaign that too many lawyers were prejudicial to US economic growth, and sparked a heated debate that was played out in the Wall Street Journal and a number of academic journals at the time. A decade later, Easterly's rejoinder has prompted us to examine the view that occupational capture (the capture of talent by particular occupations) can contribute to economic stagnation, by revisiting the notion of lawyers as negative externalities to the growth process. [source] Social Influence on Political Judgments: The Case of Presidential DebatesPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2007Steven Fein Four experiments investigated the extent to which judgments of candidate performance in presidential debates could be influenced by the mere knowledge of others' reactions. In Experiments 1 and 2 participants watched an intact version of a debate or an edited version in which either "soundbite" one-liners or the audience reaction to those soundbites were removed. In Experiment 3 participants saw what was supposedly the reaction of their fellow participants on screen during the debate. Participants in Experiment 4 were exposed to the reactions of live confederates as they watched the last debate of an active presidential campaign. In all studies, audience reactions produced large shifts in participants' judgments of performance. The results illustrate the power of social context to strongly influence individuals' judgments of even large amounts of relevant, important information, and they support the categorization of presidential debates as ambiguous stimuli, fertile ground for informational social influence. [source] Text and Context in the 1952 Presidential Campaign: Eisenhower's "I Shall Go to Korea" SpeechPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2000MARTIN J. MEDHURST This article examines the textual context of Eisenhower's famous "I Shall Go to Korea" speech, delivered during the closing days of the 1952 presidential campaign. Four interlocking contexts of discourse are identified,the discourses of cold war, foreign policy, Korea, and the Eisenhower persona. By rhetorically activating each of these contexts, Eisenhower invited his listeners to understand his speech not merely as a campaign pledge but as a rhetorically, historically, psychologically, and ideologically satisfying means of making sense of the Korean War. Dramatically structured in the form of a courtroom case, with Eisenhower taking on the roles of both prosecuting attorney and witness, the "I Shall Go to Korea" speech was rhetorically tailored to take advantage of the audience's preexisting beliefs, values, and attitudes. [source] The Mobilization of Core Supporters: Campaigns, Turnout, and Electoral Composition in United States Presidential ElectionsAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2005Thomas M. Holbrook Our objective is to investigate the relationship between presidential campaign activities and political mobilization in the states, with specific focus on the mobilization of core constituents. Using data on presidential campaign visits, presidential campaign media purchases, and party transfers to the states, we highlight some interesting mobilization patterns. First, voter turnout is positively influenced by presidential campaigns, though not by all campaign activities. Second, there is some evidence that campaigns have direct effects on the participation of core partisan groups. Finally, the ability of parties to mobilize their core groups has a strong effect on state electoral success that exists over and above the direct effect of campaign activity on electoral outcomes. All in all, we see the results as strong evidence that political mobilization in general and party transfers to the states in particular are an important component for understanding campaign effects in presidential elections. [source] Voter Decision Making in Election 2000: Campaign Effects, Partisan Activation, and the Clinton LegacyAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2003D. Sunshine Hillygus How do citizens respond to campaign events? We explore this question with a unique repeated measures survey design, fielded during the 2000 presidential campaign. We model transitions in support for the major party candidates following the party conventions and presidential debates. In the aggregate, Gore support increases following the conventions (but not the debates), while Bush support increases with the debates (but not the conventions). But there is considerable microlevel variation in the data: responsiveness to campaign events is greatest among Independents, undecided voters, and "mismatched partisans," but exactly how these groups respond differs for each event. Moreover, attitudes toward then President Clinton mediate the effect of the campaign events on voter preferences. Two primary conclusions follow: (1) rich data sets are required to observe the effects of campaign events; (2) the influence of campaign events on vote choice is conditional on previous preferences, partisan dispositions, and political context. [source] Linguistic Markers of Psychological State through Media Interviews: John Kerry and John Edwards in 2004, Al Gore in 2000ANALYSES OF SOCIAL ISSUES & PUBLIC POLICY, Issue 1 2005James W. Pennebaker What can we learn about presidential candidates by examining their speech in natural conversation? In the present study, the television interviews from the 2004 Democratic presidential primary campaign of John Kerry (N= 29) and John Edwards (N= 34) were examined using linguistic analyses. Results indicate that Kerry and Edwards were similar in their use of positive emotion words, but that Kerry used significantly higher rates of negative emotion words than did Edwards. Comparisons with televised interviews of Al Gore from the 2000 presidential campaign (N= 17) revealed striking similarities in the linguistic styles of Gore and Kerry. Gore's linguistic style overlapped considerably with that of Kerry on pronoun usage and many cognitive domains. This study points to how linguistic analyses can give us a clearer picture of how political candidates think, act, and feel. [source] Debates about Ethnicity, Class and Nation in Allende's Chile (1970,1973)BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 3 2007JOANNA CROW In 1964, Salvador Allende signed the ,Cautín Pact' with leftist Mapuche organisations in Temuco in which they pledged to support Allende's presidential campaign and he vowed to introduce important socio-economic reforms to benefit Mapuche communities and to respect their culture and religion. As has been argued in previous studies, there were limitations to the implementation of these reforms in practice. This article suggests, however, that even so, an important space was opened up for , and by , Mapuche people within the government's left-wing nationalist project. This shift was also reflected in the works of intellectuals closely linked to the Unidad Popular. [source] Donors and fundraising in the 2004 presidential campaignsNATIONAL CIVIC REVIEW, Issue 3 2006Joseph Graf This article is adapted from the report "Small Donors and Online Giving: A Study of Donors to the 2004 Presidential Campaigns," written by Joseph Graf, Grant Reeher, Michael J. Malbin, and Costas Panagopoulos. Washington, D.C.: Institute for Politics, Democracy and the Internet, George Washington University, and Campaign Finance Institute, March, 2006. 64 pages. www.ipdi.org and www.cfinst.org. [source] Getting Ready for Day One: Taking Advantage of the Opportunities and Minimizing the Hazards of a Presidential TransitionPUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW, Issue 4 2008Martha Joynt Kumar Presidential transitions make a difference to the quality of the start a chief executive has coming into office. With formal presidential transitions a reality since 1952, we have sufficient experience to identify some of the elements of an effective transition. This article focuses on how a president-elect can minimize the hazards and take advantage of the opportunities transitions offer. Opportunities and hazards can be found in the actions and commitments candidates take during their presidential campaigns, the information they gather on past transitions and on the actions of the incumbent president, the coordination they do with those in the Washington community, and their capacity to identify and take advantage of the early goodwill that exists when a new president comes into office. [source] The Mobilization of Core Supporters: Campaigns, Turnout, and Electoral Composition in United States Presidential ElectionsAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2005Thomas M. Holbrook Our objective is to investigate the relationship between presidential campaign activities and political mobilization in the states, with specific focus on the mobilization of core constituents. Using data on presidential campaign visits, presidential campaign media purchases, and party transfers to the states, we highlight some interesting mobilization patterns. First, voter turnout is positively influenced by presidential campaigns, though not by all campaign activities. Second, there is some evidence that campaigns have direct effects on the participation of core partisan groups. Finally, the ability of parties to mobilize their core groups has a strong effect on state electoral success that exists over and above the direct effect of campaign activity on electoral outcomes. All in all, we see the results as strong evidence that political mobilization in general and party transfers to the states in particular are an important component for understanding campaign effects in presidential elections. [source] | |||||||||||||