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Power Politics (power + politics)
Selected AbstractsMax Weber on the Relation between Power Politics and Political IdealsCONSTELLATIONS: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CRITICAL AND DEMOCRATIC THEORY, Issue 4 2007Marcus Llanque First page of article [source] International Law as a Tool of Power PoliticsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2005Meghana V. Nayak No abstract is available for this article. [source] Re-Assessing the "Power of Power Politics" Thesis: Is Realism Still Dominant?,INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2005Thomas C. Walker Disagreements frequently arise over the dominant role played by realism in the study of international relations. Even though some scholars characterize the discipline by its rich theoretical diversity, others see realist concerns overshadowing all alternative theories. John Vasquez's The Power of Power Politics (1983) demonstrated how the realist paradigm had informed more than 90 percent of the data-based articles published from the end of World War II to 1970. In this Forum, we reevaluate the centrality of realism in international relations scholarship. Reviewing 515 data-based articles published from 1970 to 2000, we find that the proportion of articles informed by realism has been declining over the past three decades. From 1995 to 2000, liberalism surpassed realism as the leading guide to inquiry. This new theoretical pluralism calls into question the power of power politics thesis as a fitting description of contemporary research in international relations. [source] Philosophy After Hiroshima: From Power Politics to the Ethics of Nonviolence and Co-ResponsibilityAMERICAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2009Article first published online: 18 FEB 200, Edward Demenchonok Philosophers from many different countries came to Hiroshima, Japan, in the summer of 2007 to discuss the problems of war and peace on the occasion of the Seventh World Congress of the International Society for Universal Dialogue (ISUD). The theme was After Hiroshima: Collective Memory, Philosophical Reflection and World Peace. The essays included in this volume were originally presented at that conference and reflect some of the aspects of these discussions. In the first three parts of this introductory essay, I will address ideas conveyed by discussions during the Hiroshima conference regarding an open history, as well as various aspects of violence-prone globalization and its challenges to ethics and to peace. Then, within this context, the fourth part of this introduction will provide a brief review of some of the main themes arising out of the conference and elaborated in the essays of the volume. [source] Power Politics and the Balance of Risk: Hypotheses on Great Power Intervention in the PeripheryPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2004Jeffrey W. Taliaferro Great powers frequently initiate risky diplomatic and military interventions in the periphery,regions that do not directly threaten the security of a great power's homeland. Such risky interventions are driven by leaders' aversion to losses in their state's relative power, international status, or prestige. These leaders often persist in such courses of action even when they incur mounting political, economic, and military costs. More surprisingly, they undertake risky strategies toward other great powers in an effort to continue these failing interventions. Hypotheses concerning such interventions are derived from the prospect theory and defensive realist literatures. [source] Cold War II: Islamic Terrorism as Power PoliticsANTIPODE, Issue 2 2003William H Thornton First page of article [source] Power Politics and Appeasement: Political Realism in British International Thought, c. 1935,19551BRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2006Ian Hall It has been argued that the failure of ,realist' international thought to take root in Britain in the aftermath of the Second World War, as it did in the United States, was a function of declining power. This article challenges this view, suggesting instead that for the British, the term ,realism' had been discredited, in the late 1930s, by its associations with appeasement and the ,power politics' of the dictators. Examining the international thought of politicians and scholars in the years before, during and after the war, this article offers a reinterpretation of the British rejection of political realism. [source] IN DEFENCE OF EMPIRES1ECONOMIC AFFAIRS, Issue 4 2003Deepak Lal This article argues the case for empires. They provided global order in the nineteenth century. Their dissolution in the twentieth century resulted in global disorder. A blind spot in the classical liberal tradition was its assumption that international order would be a spontaneous by-product of limited government and unilateral free trade practised at home. This denial of power politics flowed into twentieth-century Wilsonianism. Now, there is no alternative to US imperial power to supply the global Pax. Whether the USA is willing to fulfil this role is open to question. [source] An Empirical Examination of Religion and Conflict in the Middle East, 1950,1992FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 1 2006BRIAN LAI This article examines the influence of religion on conflict in the Middle East. It develops a more refined approach to studying the effects of religion by examining intra-Islamic differences as well as the effects of domestic politics and religion on conflict. It tests these hypotheses on all Middle Eastern dyads from 1950 to 1992, including appropriate control variables. This article finds that religious identity does matter but only when its relationship with conflict is more clearly specified. Religious differences between the leaders of states influence the likelihood of militarized disputes, but not religious differences between the populations of two states. Ethnic differences and power politics also influence the likelihood of an militarized interstate dispute. [source] Germans as Venutians: The Culture of German Foreign Policy BehaviorFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 1 2006AKAN MALICI The end of the Cold War eliminated many of the external constraints that had straitjacketed German policy during the Cold War era. At the same time, unification augmented Germany's already substantial power base. In light of these changed geopolitical circumstances, it was only logical for the dominant theory of security studies, namely realism, to expect a reorientation in German foreign policy behavior toward unilateralism and increased levels of power politics. Yet these expectations proved wrong. This article argues that German foreign policy behavior in the post-Cold War era can be ascribed to a foreign policy culture of reticence,a culture of restraint and accommodation that can be traced to well-defined sets of fundamental beliefs of the German decision-making elite. This article systematically examines these beliefs in the post-Cold War era, relates them to foreign policy choices, and concludes with a plea for increased attention to ideational variables. [source] What Lies Ahead: Classical Realism on the Future of International RelationsINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 4 2008Murielle Cozette Realism contends that politics is a struggle for power and/or survival, and consequently depicts international politics as a realm of recurrent conflicts among states with very little prospect for change. It is therefore not traditionally regarded as an approach which entertains an idea of progress. E.H Carr famously rejected "pure realism" as an untenable position precisely because it fails to provide "a ground for action," and advocated finding a delicate balance between realism and utopia, as meaningful political action must include both. While realism certainly entails a degree of pessimism, it is far fetched to claim that realist scholars are radically sceptical about the future of international relations. The article investigates Hans Morgenthau and Raymond Aron, two leading classical realist scholars, and argues that neither advocated a strict version of power politics. On the contrary, they both attempted to find the balance Carr suggested between realist concerns and ideals necessary to spur political action. Both were also very aware of the dangers of nihilism, and upheld hope in the future of humankind, even if this hope remains tempered by pessimism as to whether it will ever realize its destiny. [source] Detooling The Language of the Master's House: The Case of Those "Nuclear Things"PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 2 2003Brien Hallett The tool of language helps to shape the argument and outcome of a political conflict in much the same way as the availability and selection of tools and materials affect the kind of house a builder will erect. The advocates of abolishing nuclear stockpiles down to absolute zero unwittingly have embraced the same terms or language tools as their opponents. "Banning the bomb" on the basis of its incredibly devastating consequences has failed in part because the antinuclearists have not disavowed the language that authenticates the alternative perspective of the bomb's incredible power. Along with their opponents, they have conjoined the word "nuclear" with the words "weapon" and "war" to create two formidable oxymora that have impaired greatly their ability to escape the lexical trap of the pronuclear mindset of power politics. In this article an argument is advanced for exposing and avoiding these oxymora and for suggesting some alternative terms in order that the abolitionists might reframe the debate in such a way that conventional political and military assumptions about nuclear power can be challenged radically. [source] FAIRE DE SON HISTOIRE UNE BOUCLE (NOIRE): WAYS OF LOOKING AT TRISTAN TZARAART HISTORY, Issue 1 2009ELIZABETH LEGGE A close examination of pictorial and verbal portraits of Tzara, by both himself and others (Breton, Louis Aragon, Picabia, Germaine Everling, Man Ray, Hans Arp) , as filtered in the art and texts of the dadas and their critics through adaptations of cabbalism, Tao-inflected Africanism, spirit photography and Maurice Barrès's ponderously mystical nationalism , yields a peculiar portrait of Paris dada, and of Tristan Tzara's ethical role within it. Anti-Semitic slurs against Tzara, used as weapons in dada power politics, while construable as a knowingly disingenuous use of cliché and caricature, raise questions of idiom. Raoul Hausmann's Mechanical Head: the Spirit of Our Time (1919) is analysed as an exemplary approach to dada portraiture, in which constellations of contradictory readymade attributes and associations, including anti-Semitic stereotypes, configure a tragicomic array of received social constructions, revolutionary aspirations, prejudices and ambivalences that constitute individuals as social actors within and outside dada. [source] Realist Visions of the End of the Cold War: Morgenthau, Aron and WaltzBRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2009Marco Cesa Although realist theory did not predict the end of the cold war, prominent realist scholars such as Hans Morgenthau, Raymond Aron and Kenneth Waltz did give some thought to the conditions under which the cold war might be settled. Both Aron and Morgenthau characterised the cold war as a combination of traditional power politics and ideological competition, but they differed on the relative weight of each component. For Morgenthau, a diplomatic settlement would deactivate the unsettling potential of the ideological conflict; for Aron, only the disappearance of the ideological conflict could pave the way to some lasting diplomatic settlement. For Waltz, ideology had little impact; the bipolar structure of the international system was the main variable on which both the cold war and its end depended. [source] Power Politics and Appeasement: Political Realism in British International Thought, c. 1935,19551BRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2006Ian Hall It has been argued that the failure of ,realist' international thought to take root in Britain in the aftermath of the Second World War, as it did in the United States, was a function of declining power. This article challenges this view, suggesting instead that for the British, the term ,realism' had been discredited, in the late 1930s, by its associations with appeasement and the ,power politics' of the dictators. Examining the international thought of politicians and scholars in the years before, during and after the war, this article offers a reinterpretation of the British rejection of political realism. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||