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Policy Goals (policy + goal)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	40%
Business, Economics, Finance and Accounting	18%
Law and Criminology	10%
Medical Sciences	8%
Life Sciences	8%
Engineering	5%
3 Other Domains	11%

Distribution within Humanities and Social Sciences

General & Introductory Political Science	45%
International Relations	20%
General & Introductory Development Studies	12%

Kinds of Policy Goals

public policy goal

Selected Abstracts

Nonindigenous Species: Ecological Explanation, Environmental Ethics, and Public Policy

CONSERVATION BIOLOGY, Issue 1 2003
David M. Lodge
Misunderstandings and tension exist regarding the science, values, environmental ethics, and public policy relevant to invasive species, which are the subset of nonindigenous species that cause economic or environmental damage. Although there is a natural background rate at which species invasions occur, it is much lower than the current human-induced rates at which species are being moved around the globe. Contrary to some recently voiced opinions , the fact that some species invasions occur without human assistance does not confer acceptability on all species invasions. Also, despite claims to the contrary, the reductions of native biodiversity caused by nonindigenous species are large and well documented. Even if that were not true, an emphasis on species numbers alone as a metric for the impact of nonindigenous species does not adequately incorporate the high value many humans place on the uniqueness of regional biota. Because regional biota are being homogenized by species invasions, it has become an appropriate and official public policy goal in the United States to reduce the harm done by invasive species. The goal is not, however, a reduction of numbers of nonindigenous species per se, as recently claimed by some authors, but a reduction in the damage caused by invasive species, including many sorts of environmental and economic damage. A major challenge remaining for ecology, environmental ethics, and public policy is therefore the development of widely applicable risk-assessment protocols that are acceptable to diverse constituencies. Despite apparent disagreements among scholars, little real disagreement exists about the occurrence, effects, or public-policy implications of nonindigenous species. Resumen: El público está recibiendo un mensaje confuso de ecologistas, otros académicos y periodistas sobre el tema de especies no nativas. Existen malos entendidos y tensión en relación con la ciencia, los valores, la ética ambiental y las políticas públicas relevantes a las especies invasoras, que son un subconjunto de las especies no nativas que causan daños económicos o ambientales. Aunque existe una tasa natural a la que ocurren invasiones, es mucho más baja que las actuales tasas, inducidas por humanos, a las que especies son movidas alrededor del mundo. Al contrario de algunos autores recientes, el hecho de que algunas invasiones de especies ocurren sin asistencia humana no le confiere aceptabilidad moral sobre todas las invasiones de especies. También, a pesar de recientes afirmaciones de lo contrario, las reducciones de biodiversidad nativa debido a especies no nativas son notables y están bien documentadas. Aún si no fuera verdad, el énfasis sólo en el número de especies como una medida del impacto de especies no nativas no incorpora adecuadamente el alto valor que muchos humanos reconocen en la singularidad de la biota regional. Debido a que la biota regional está siendo homogeneizada por invasiones de especies, la reducción del daño causado por especies invasoras se ha convertido en una política pública apropiada y oficial en los Estados Unidos. Sin embargo, la meta no es la reducción de especies no nativas, en si, como afirman algunos autores recientes, sino una reducción de los impactos dañinos de las especies invasoras, incluyendo muchos tipos de daño económico y ambiental. Por lo tanto, un reto mayor para la ecología, la ética ambiental y la política pública es el desarrollo de protocolos de evaluación de riesgos ampliamente aplicables que sean aceptables para electores diversos. A pesar de aparentes desacuerdos entre académicos, existe poco desacuerdo real acerca de la ocurrencia, el impacto o las implicancias en política pública de las especies no nativas. [source]

Entrepreneurial Policy: The Case of Regional Specialization vs.

ENTREPRENEURSHIP THEORY AND PRACTICE, Issue 5 2008
Spontaneous Industrial Diversity
Regional economic development policy is recognized as a key tool governments use to foster economic prosperity. Whether specialization (or diversity) of economic activities should be a regional development policy goal is often debated. We address this question in a local-diversity context, by reviewing traditional arguments in its favor, supplemented with evidence for more entrepreneurial concepts like industrial symbiosis and Jacobs externalities. We show that the context of entrepreneurship matters more to policy than the type and form of resulting industries. Policies enabling entrepreneurs to exploit opportunities in a context of spontaneously evolved industrial diversity are better facilitators of regional development. [source]

The Regulation of Telecommunications in the Czech Republic

EUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 3 2003
Andrew Skudder
The rapid development of the telecommunications sector was to act as a catalyst for the general improvement of the entire national economy, whilst at the same time helping the country to meet its policy goal of creating the conditions precedent to its successful integration into the European Union. The purpose of this article is to trace the progress of the Czech telecommunications market to date and to assess the regulatory framework adopted by the Czech government in light of its stated policy goals. After giving a brief history of the development of the market and the corresponding development of a regulatory régime this article shall turn to examine the current legal position after the adoption of the recent Law on which came into force on 1 July 2000. As well as suggesting necessary modifications and amendments due to certain flaws or omissions in the Act, modifications arising from the adoption by the EU of its new regulatory framework for communications shall also be suggested. [source]

From subordination to parity: an international comparison of equity securities law claims in insolvency proceedings

INTERNATIONAL INSOLVENCY REVIEW, Issue 3 2007
Janis Sarra
Securities law claims in insolvency proceedings raise important questions of allocation of risk and remedies. In the ordinary course of business, equity claims come last in the hierarchy of claims during insolvency. What is less clear is whether this should encompass claims arising from the violation of public statutes designed to protect equity investors. Discerning the optimal allocation of risk is a complex challenge if one is trying to maximize the simultaneous advancement of securities law and insolvency law public policy goals. From a securities law perspective, there must be confidence in meaningful remedies for capital markets violations if investors are to continue to invest. From an insolvency perspective, creditors make their pricing and credit availability choices based on certainty regarding their claims and shifting those priorities may affect the availability of credit. The critical question is the nature of the claim advanced by the securities holder and whether subordination of securities law claims gives rise to inappropriate incentives for corporate officers within the insolvency law regime. A comparative analysis reveals that the U.S. has provided a limited statutory exception to complete subordination through the fair funds provision of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act by allowing SEC claims for penalties and disgorgement to rank equally with unsecured claims even though the funds are distributed to shareholders. The U.K. and Australian schemes permit shareholders to claim directly as unsecured creditors for fraudulent acts and misrepresentation by the issuer. In contrast, Canadian law is underdeveloped in its treatment of such claims. The paper canvasses the policy options available to reconcile securities law and insolvency law claims, including a discussion of the appropriate gatekeeping role for regulatory authorities and the courts, and the need for a framework that offers fair and expeditious resolution of such claims. If the public policy goal of both securities law and insolvency law is to foster efficient and cost-effective capital markets, it seems that the systems need to be better reconciled than currently. The paper also examines the codified response to the time and resources consumed in various common law tracing claims by customers in a securities firm insolvency. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

The Migration,Development Nexus: Evidence and Policy Options

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 5 2002
Ninna Nyberg, Sørensen
Migration and development are linked in many ways , through the livelihood and survival strategies of individuals, households, and communities; through large and often well,targeted remittances; through investments and advocacy by migrants, refugees, diasporas and their transnational communities; and through international mobility associated with global integration, inequality, and insecurity. Until now, migration and development have constituted separate policy fields. Differing policy approaches that hinder national coordination and international cooperation mark these fields. For migration authorities, the control of migration flows to the European Union and other OECD countries are a high priority issue, as is the integration of migrants into the labour market and wider society. On the other hand, development agencies may fear that the development policy objectives are jeopardized if migration is taken into consideration. Can long,term goals of global poverty reduction be achieved if short,term migration policy interests are to be met? Can partnership with developing countries be real if preventing further migration is the principal European migration policy goal? While there may be good reasons to keep some policies separate, conflicting policies are costly and counter,productive. More importantly, there is unused potential in mutually supportive policies, that is, the constructive use of activities and interventions that are common to both fields and which may have positive effects on poverty reduction, development, prevention of violent conflicts, and international mobility. This paper focuses on positive dimensions and possibilities in the migration,development nexus. It highlights the links between migration, development, and conflict from the premise that to align policies on migration and development, migrant and refugee diasporas must be acknowledged as a development resource. [source]

Marriage patterns among unwed mothers: Before and after PRWORA

JOURNAL OF POLICY ANALYSIS AND MANAGEMENT, Issue 3 2008
Deborah Roempke Graefe
The promotion of marriage and two-parent families became an explicit public policy goal with the passage of the 1996 welfare reform bill. Marriage has the putative effect of reducing welfare dependency among single mothers, but only if they marry men with earnings sufficient to lift them and their children out of poverty. Newly released data from the 2002 cycle of the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG), along with data from the 1995 cycle, allow us to compare pre- and post-PRWORA differences in (1) cumulative marriage rates among unwed mothers, and (2) patterns of marital choice (that is, differences in characteristics of the men these mothers marry, such as their education and employment status). Overall, our results show that unwed childbearing is associated with lower marriage rates and marital quality. Difference-in-difference models show that welfare reform was not strongly associated with pre- and post-welfare reform changes in marriage among nonmarital birth mothers, even among the most disadvantaged mothers. Compared with other women, nonmarital birth mothers also were less likely than other women to marry "economically attractive" men in the post-welfare reform period. The success of marriage promotion initiatives may depend heavily on whether women themselves are "marriageable" and whether potential spouses have the ability to support a stable family life. © 2008 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. [source]

The impact of ageing-in-place policies on structural change in residential aged care

AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL ON AGEING, Issue 1 2009
Bev Richardson
Objectives:,This paper reports findings from a study to investigate the impact of ageing-in-place policies on resident dependency levels and to explore the relationship between structural variables and outcome ratings. Methods:,The study involved a time series data collection of high- and low-care places and accreditation ratings from both the first and the second accreditation cycles in Queensland (N = 482 and 499). Paired-samples t-tests were also conducted on a sample of homes providing both high- and low-level care to assess changing dependency levels over the two time periods. Results:,A statistically significant increase (0.005) was found in the proportion of residents classified as high care living in low-care homes between the first and the second accreditation cycles. Conclusions:,The findings suggest that the ageing-in-place regulatory intervention achieved the intended policy goal and homes have effectively implemented staffing and quality control strategies to accommodate the changes. [source]

Conceptualizing desertification in Southern Europe: stakeholder interpretations and multiple policy agendas

ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND GOVERNANCE, Issue 4 2005
M. Juntti
Abstract This paper explores the link between agricultural, environmental and structural policies and desertification in Southern Europe. The focus is on the way policy goals evolve in the implementation process and become translated into actions at the operative level. The results derive from policy stakeholder interviews from four research areas situated in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain. The significance of policies as drivers of desertification varies between the case study areas, and harmful land management practices often result from power imbalances between interest groups involved in land-use planning and policy implementation rather than from flaws in the policies themselves. The vagueness of the definition of what ,desertification' constitutes allows for different interpretations of its nature, significance and the consequent weight it is given in land management decision-making, thus lending itself to be both misinterpreted and misappropriated by different stakeholder interests. The paper discusses the interplay between five different discourses of desertification and four distinct agendas of policy implementation and land use. The agendas either enhance or mitigate desertification and represent the interests of actors who have acquired a powerful position in the network of stakeholders, often relying on, and simultaneously maintaining, discourses and structures that lend them first right to decision-making over the natural resources of the locality. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source]

Cleavages, competition and coalition-building: Agrarian parties and the European question in Western and East Central Europe

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2004
AGNES BATORY
Variations in the patterns of Euroscepticism found in agrarian parties across Europe is therefore explained in terms of three central variables: the agrarian parties' long-term policy goals linked to identity and interest; their position in the party systems and the mainstream left- and right-wing parties' stance on European integration; and their long- and short-term electoral strategies and office-related incentives. [source]

Credible Commitment in Non-Independent Regulatory Agencies: A Comparative Analysis of the European Agencies for Pharmaceuticals and Foodstuffs

EUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 5 2004
Sebastian Krapohl
Usually, these agencies evolve from EU committees and take over most of their structures. Accordingly, like most EU committees and the Commission, regulatory agencies are not independent, but act under the control of the member states. The question is, how far do they indicate a credible commitment of the Member States to long-term policy goals like health and consumer protection. This article compares the institutional structures and decision-making rules of the European Agency for the Evaluation of Medicinal Products and of the newly established European Food Safety Authority, in order to clarify the extent of credible commitment that the Member States show through the setting-up of these agencies. It concludes that the commitment of the Member States in the foodstuff sector is not as deep as in the pharmaceutical sector, and that the creation of the European Food Safety Authority will not lead to a success story similar to that of the European Agency for the Evaluation of Medicinal Products. [source]

The Regulation of Telecommunications in the Czech Republic

A Pragmatic Response to an Unexpected Constraint: Problem Representation in a Complex Humanitarian Emergency

FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 2 2009
Thomas Knecht
This paper elaborates a model of problem representation first presented by Billings and Hermann (1998). The foreign policy process begins when decision-makers specify policy goals and identify relevant constraints in response to a perceived problem. Although this initial problem representation often sets the course for subsequent policy, unanticipated constraints can arise that catch decision makers off-guard. Finding themselves in a context they did not anticipate to be in, decision makers may choose to alter their representation of the problem and/or change the course of policy. Billings and Hermann offer one piece of this puzzle by examining how decision makers re-represent problems; this paper provides the second piece by assessing how policies, not representations, change in response to new constraints. A case study of the U.S. response to the Ethiopian famine in the mid 1980s demonstrates that policy does not always follow problem representation. [source]

Gender Mainstreaming versus Diversity Mainstreaming: Methodology as Emancipatory Politics

GENDER, WORK & ORGANISATION, Issue 2 2009
Joan Eveline
This article examines the question of whether and how the intersectional oppression of sexism and racism can be challenged by government policy. It draws on a case study of an Indigenous policy strategy in Australia to argue that, in contrast to concerns expressed by feminist policymakers, gender equality is not inevitably neglected when the target for remedial action is institutional racism. Our study suggests that successful action on Indigenous emancipation necessarily mobilizes a methodology for moving past one-dimensional category distinctions. Therefore, focusing on the task of translating declared policy goals into action can provide a way out of the impasse over whether ,diversity' or ,gender' is the better vehicle for mainstreaming equity policy. To develop its case, the article draws conclusions about the politics of methodology from gender mainstreaming debates, intersectionality theory and institutional ethnography, then uses our conclusions to analyze the political and methodological effectiveness of the Indigenous policy strategy. [source]

European health policy challenges

HEALTH ECONOMICS, Issue S1 2005
Alan Maynard
Abstract Few countries are immune to the international health care ,virus' of reform, with many countries regularly re-cycling changes that shift costs and benefits in ways that are arbitrary, inefficient and offer short term political palliation. Much of this activity has little evidence base and reveals lack of clarity in defining public policy goals, establishing trade-offs and aligning incentive structures with these objectives. Well established failures in health care delivery systems such as variations in medical practice and continuing absence of systematic outcome measurement, have persisted for decades as nations grapple inefficiently with recurring problems of expenditure inflation and waiting times. The lack of emphasis on evidence to inform the efficient management of chronic disease and the reduction of health inequalities is a product of perverse incentives and managerial inertia that maintains the incomes of powerful interest groups. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

Evaluation of the KA24 (Knowledge Access 24) service for health and social care staff in London and the south-east of England.

HEALTH INFORMATION & LIBRARIES JOURNAL, Issue 3 2006
Part 2: qualitative
Aims and objectives:, The aim of this two-part paper is to identify the main transferable lessons learned from both the quantitative and qualitative evaluations of the KA24 (Knowledge Access 24) service of online databases and selected full-text journals for health and social care staff in London and the south-east of England. The objectives of the qualitative evaluation were to assess the enablers and barriers to usage, and to assess the impact of the service on patient care. Methods:, Telephone interviews (n = 65) and a questionnaire survey (n = 296) were conducted with various types of user, in various Trust settings. Some non-users were also contacted. Selection of interviewees and questionnaire recipients was not random, and aimed to cover all groups of users representatively. Results:, Results show that policy goals were being delivered, with indications of changes to clinical practice, and improved clinical governance. Promotion, training and support needs to be extensive, and tailored to needs, but users are not always aware they need training. The sharing of passwords cast doubts on the reliability of some usage data. Conclusions:, Digital health library services, delivered at the point of care, are changing the way some clinicians practise. A combination of qualitative and quantitative evaluation methods are needed to assess digital library services. [source]

Governance of Higher Education in Britain: The Significance of the Research Assessment Exercises for the Funding Council Model

HIGHER EDUCATION QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2004
Ted Tapper
This article uses the political struggles that have enveloped the research assessment exercises (RAEs) to interpret the UK's current funding council model of governance. Ironically, the apparently widespread improvement in the research performance of British universities, as demonstrated by RAE 2001, has made it more difficult to distribute research income selectively, which was supposedly the central objective of the whole evaluative process. Whilst enhanced research ratings may be seen as a cause for celebration in the universities, the failure to anticipate this outcome and, more significantly, to plan for its financial implications is seen in political circles as a failure of higher education management. The article explores the alternative models of governance that are likely to emerge as a consequence of this crisis and, in particular, whether the funding councils can have much freedom of action, given the tighter political control of policy goals and their critical dependence upon the academic profession for the conduct of the evaluative process. [source]

From subordination to parity: an international comparison of equity securities law claims in insolvency proceedings

Modelling the impact of energy taxation

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENERGY RESEARCH, Issue 6 2002
Jörgen Sjödin
Abstract Energy taxation in Sweden is complicated and strongly guides and governs district energy production. Consequently, there is a need for methods for accurate calculation and analysis of effects that different energy tax schemes may have on district energy utilities. Here, a practicable method to analyse influence of such governmental policy measures is demonstrated. The Swedish Government has for some years now been working on a reform of energy taxation, and during this process, several interest groups have expressed their own proposals for improving and developing the system of energy taxation. Together with the present system of taxation, four new alternatives, including the proposed directive of the European Commission, are outlined in the paper. In a case study, an analysis is made of how the different tax alternatives may influence the choice of profitable investments and use of energy carriers in a medium-sized district-heating utility. The calculations are made with a linear-programming model framework. By calculating suitable types and sizes of new investments, if any, and the operation of existing and potential plants, total energy costs are minimized. Results of the analysis include the most profitable investments, which fuel should be used, roughly when during a year plants should be in operation, and at what output. In most scenarios, the most profitable measure is to invest in a waste incineration plant. However, a crucial assumption is, with reference to the new Swedish waste disposal act, a significant income from incinerating refuse. Without this income, different tax schemes result in different technical solutions being most profitable. An investment in cogeneration seems possible in only one scenario. It is also found that particular features of some alternatives seem to oppose both main governmental policy goals, and intentions of the district heating company. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

Satellite communications: the contribution of the 5th framework programme and future perspectives

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SATELLITE COMMUNICATIONS AND NETWORKING, Issue 1 2004
Bernard Barani
Abstract The telecommunication sector is of key importance for the European economy. Digitization, secure broadband access and mobility are expected to shift an ever-growing proportion of the economy on line, thus creating new markets and business opportunities. With the eEurope 2002 and eEurope 2005 initiatives, the European Union has initiated a number of policy actions aiming at favouring the rapid introduction of innovative communication systems, services and applications. Research and development, as supported under the IST programme of the Union, is closely associated to the overall policy picture. The IST programme is notably instrumental in supporting, with a longer-term approach, key policy orientations such as the pervasive introduction of low cost broadband access, introduction of advanced mobile systems, or migration of networks towards the next generation of Internet protocol, IPv6. Satellite communication form an integral part of this diversified communication landscape, and has also been significantly supported under the 5th Framework Programme. Even if the problematic of the satcom industry are to some extent similar to those of the terrestrial players (e.g. catalysing take up of broadband and advanced mobile markets), the strategies followed by the satcom sector differ from those followed by the terrestrial players. This paper review the current technological approaches of the satcom industry, their relevance in the context of the policy goals of the Union, and how they have been supported under the IST programme. It also introduces briefly how co-ordination with ESA work has been achieved, and the perspectives for further support, notably under the now starting 6th Framework Programme. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

Economic Nationalism as a Challenge to Economic Liberalism?

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2002
Lessons from the 19th Century
What kind of challenge does economic nationalism pose to economic liberalism in today's global political economy? Conventional wisdom holds that economic nationalism is an outdated ideology in this age of globalization and economic liberalization. But this argument rests on understandings of economic nationalism that are increasingly being called into question by recent scholarship. In this article, I show how the history of economic nationalism in the 19th century provides strong support for two important but potentially controversial arguments made in recent literature about the nature of economic nationalism: (1) that this ideology is most properly defined by its nationalist content (rather than as a variant of realism or as an ideology of protectionism), and (2) that it can be associated with a wide range of policy projects, including the endorsement of liberal economic policies. With these two points established through historical analysis, I conclude that economic nationalism should be seen still to be a powerful ideology in the current period, but that its relationship to the policy goals of economic liberals is an ambiguous one, just as it was in the 19th century. [source]

Foreign Policy Gaps between Citizens and Leaders

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2000
Benjamin I. Page
Persistent gaps between the policy preferences of leaders and those of citizens are problematic from the point of view of democratic theory. Examination of the foreign policy preferences of samples of citizens and leaders from seven Chicago Council on Foreign Relations (CCFR) surveys between 1974 and 1998 reveals many differences of 30, 40, and even 50 percentage points. Often a majority of the public has disagreed with a majority of leaders. Some of the same gaps have persisted over the full 24-year period of these surveys. The pattern of gaps is considerably more complicated than a simple difference in degree of commitment to internationalism. Citizens have generally put a higher priority than leaders on expanding domestic programs like Social Security, crime fighting, and health care, and have been more eager to cut foreign economic aid. But there have not been substantial gaps with respect to defense spending or military aid. More members of the public than leaders emphasize foreign policy goals related to protecting Americans' jobs and ensuring Americans' health and physical security (e.g., from terrorism, drugs, and epidemic diseases). Citizens have been more reluctant than leaders to use U.S. troops in most circumstances, but the opposite is true of situations involving Latin America. Citizens have been more willing to bomb than to commit troops, though not indiscriminately so, and many more citizens than leaders oppose selling weapons abroad. Fewer members of the public than leaders have favored most kinds of cooperative relationships with adversary countries. But more members of the public than leaders generally support the United Nations, and more favor multilateralism in general. About the same number of citizens as leaders have supported NATO. Some of these gaps may reflect lower levels of attention to foreign affairs and lower levels of information among the public than among leaders, but many of the gaps may instead reflect different values and interests. In cases where the public is ill-informed, persistent gaps suggest a failure of leaders to educate and persuade. Where public opinion is well-informed and deliberative, democratic theory would seem to call for responsiveness by policymakers. [source]

Hunting for large carnivore conservation

JOURNAL OF APPLIED ECOLOGY, Issue 6 2009
Adrian Treves
Summary 1. Carnivores are difficult to conserve because of direct and indirect competition with people. Public hunts are increasingly proposed to support carnivore conservation. This article reviews scientific evidence for the effectiveness of public hunts of large carnivores in attaining three common policy goals: stable carnivore populations, preventing conflict with carnivores (property damage and competition over game) and building public support for carnivore conservation. 2. Sustainable exploitation of stable wildlife populations has a solid, scientific foundation but the theory and its predictions must be adapted to complex patterns of carnivore behavioural ecology and population dynamics that demand years of landscape-level monitoring to understand fully. 3. A review of the evidence that hunting prevents property damage or reduces competition for game reveals large gaps in our understanding. Reducing the number of large carnivores to protect hunters' quarry species seems straightforward but we still know little about behavioural and ecological responses of the contested prey and sympatric meso-predators. For reducing property damage, the direct effect , numerical reduction in problematic individual carnivores , presents numerous obstacles, whereas the indirect effect , behavioural avoidance of humans by hunted carnivores , holds more promise. 4. Scientific measures of public support for carnivore-hunting policies are almost completely lacking, particularly measures of attitudes among hunters before and after controversial wildlife is designated as legal game species. Moreover, illegal killing of carnivores does not appear to diminish if they are designated as game. 5.Synthesis and applications. Sustainable hunting to maintain stable populations is well understood in theory but complex life histories of carnivores, and behavioural changes of hunters and the carnivores they stalk may result in unsustainable mortality for carnivores. The direct impact of hunting on carnivore damage to property is unclear and even doubtful given the inability or unwillingness of hunters to remove specific individuals selectively. However, hunters may indirectly deter carnivores from people and their property. The assumption that hunters will steward carnivores simply because they have in the past helped conserve other game species requires more study as preliminary results suggest it is incorrect. Policy-makers may achieve support for policy if they mesh utilitarian and preservationist values held by the general public. A number of opposed hypotheses should be disentangled before researchers confidently inform policy on sustainable hunting to prevent conflicts and build public support for carnivore conservation. [source]

Rethinking NIMBYism: The role of place attachment and place identity in explaining place-protective action

JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY & APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2009
Patrick Devine-Wright
Abstract The ,NIMBY' (Not In My Back Yard) concept is commonly used to explain public opposition to new developments near homes and communities, particularly arising from energy technologies such as wind farms or electricity pylons. Despite its common use, the concept has been extensively critiqued by social scientists as a useful concept for research and practice. Given European policy goals to increase sustainable energy supply by 2020, deepening understanding of local opposition is of both conceptual and practical importance. This paper reviews NIMBY literature and proposes an alternative framework to explain local opposition, drawing upon social and environmental psychological theory on place. Local opposition is conceived as a form of place-protective action, which arises when new developments disrupt pre-existing emotional attachments and threaten place-related identity processes. Adopting a social constructivist perspective and drawing on social representation theory, a framework of place change is proposed encompassing stages of becoming aware, interpreting, evaluating, coping and acting, with each stage conceived at multiple levels of analysis, from intrapersonal to socio-cultural. Directions for future research and potential implications of the place-based approach for public engagement by energy policy-makers and practitioners are discussed. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

International political marketing: a case study of United States soft power and public diplomacy

JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2008
Henry H. Sun
Political marketing can be categorized with three aspects: the election campaign as the origin of political marketing, the permanent campaign as a governing tool and international political marketing (IPM) which covers the areas of public diplomacy, marketing of nations, international political communication, national image, soft power and the cross-cultural studies of political marketing. IPM and the application of soft power have been practiced by nation-states throughout the modern history of international relations starting with the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Nation-states promote the image of their country worldwide through public diplomacy, exchange mutual interests in their bilateral or multilateral relation with other countries, lobby for their national interests in international organizations and apply cultural and political communication strategies internationally to build up their soft power. In modern international relations, nation-states achieve their foreign policy goals by applying both hard power and soft power. Public diplomacy as part of IPM is a method in the creation of soft power, as well as, in the application of soft power. This paper starts with the definitional and conceptual review of political marketing. For the first time in publication, it establishes a theoretical model which provides a framework of the three aspects of political marketing, that is electoral political marketing (EPM), governmental political marketing (GPM) and IPM. This model covers all the main political exchanges among six inter-related components in the three pairs of political exchange process, that is candidates and party versus voters and interest groups in EPM ; governments, leaders and public servants versus citizens and interest groups in GPM, including political public relations and lobbying which have been categorized as the third aspect of political marketing in some related studies; and governments, interest group and activists versus international organizations and foreign subjects in IPM. This study further develops a model of IPM, which covers its strategy and marketing mix on the secondary level of the general political marketing model, and then, the third level model of international political choice behaviour based the theory of political choice behaviour in EPM. This paper continues to review the concepts of soft power and public diplomacy and defines their relation with IPM. It then reports a case study on the soft power and public diplomacy of the United States from the perspectives of applying IPM and soft power. Under the framework of IPM, it looks at the traditional principles of US foreign policy, that is Hamiltonians, Wilsonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians, and the application of US soft power in the Iraq War since 2003. The paper advances the argument that generally all nation states apply IPM to increase their soft power. The decline of US soft power is caused mainly by its foreign policy. The unilateralism Jacksonians and realism Hamiltonians have a historical trend to emphasize hard power while neglecting soft power. Numerous reports and studies have been conducted on the pros and cons of US foreign policy in the Iraq War, which are not the focus of this paper. From the aspect of IPM, this paper studies the case of US soft power and public diplomacy, and their effects in the Iraq War. It attempts to exam the application of US public diplomacy with the key concept of political exchange, political choice behaviour, the long-term approach and the non-government operation principles of public diplomacy which is a part of IPM. The case study confirms the relations among IPM, soft power and public diplomacy and finds that lessons can be learned from these practices of IPM. The paper concludes that there is a great demand for research both at a theoretical as well as practical level for IPM and soft power. It calls for further study on this subject. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

Hazardous Facility Siting When Cost Information Is Private: An Application of Multidimensional Mechanism Design

JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMIC THEORY, Issue 4 2003
Keith Waehrer
The siting of hazardous facilities often involves externalities that extend beyond the border of the community selected as a site. Thus, the private information of each community is potentially a vector of costs comprising a cost for each of the possible sites. I characterize the conditions for the existence of a direct mechanism that is incentive compatible, individually rational, and budget balancing. Incentive compatibility implies a pattern of compensation payments that often conflicts with compensation policy goals. When nonparticipating communities cannot block the siting of the facility, it will often be possible to implement siting policies with a balanced budget. [source]

Lawyers for Conservative Causes: Clients, Ideology, and Social Distance

LAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 1 2003
John P. Heinz
Scholars have devoted attention to "cause lawyers" on the political left, but lawyers who work on the conservative side of the American political spectrum have received relatively little academic consideration. This article presents systematic data on the characteristics of and relationships among lawyers affiliated with organizations active on a selected set of 17 conservative issues. We find that the lawyers serve several separate and distinct constituencies,business conservatives, Christian conservatives, libertarians, abortion opponents,and that the credentials of the lawyers serving these varying constituencies differ significantly. The greatest degree of social separation occurs between the business constituency and the abortion opponents, with another clear separation between libertarians and the interest groups devoted to traditional family values and order maintenance. The divisions among these constituencies appear to reflect the difference between "insider politics" and "populism," which is manifested in part in actual geographic separation between lawyers located in the District of Columbia and those in the South, West, and Midwest. In the center of the network, however, we find some potential "mediators",prominent lawyers who may facilitate communication and coordination among the several constituencies. These lawyers and the organizations they serve attempt to merge morality, market freedom, and individual liberty concerns, and they convene meetings of diverse sets of lawyers and organizational leaders to seek consensus on policy goals. Nonetheless, the findings indicate that most organizations are seldom active on issues that lie beyond the relatively narrow boundaries of their own interests. [source]

A MODEL FOR THE BIOECONOMIC EVALUATION OF MARINE PROTECTED AREA SIZE AND PLACEMENT IN THE NORTH SEA

NATURAL RESOURCE MODELING, Issue 4 2002
ALASDAIR BEATTIE
ABSTRACT. The use of marine protected areas (MPAs) as a basic management tool to limit exploitation rates in marine fisheries has been widely suggested. Models are important in predicting the consequences of management decisions and the design of monitoring programs in terms of policy goals. However, few tools are available that consider both multiple fleets and ecosystem scale dynamics. We use a new applied game theory tool, Ecoseed, that operates within a temporally and spatially explicit biomass dynamics model, Ecopath with Ecosim, to evaluate the efficacy of marine protected areas in the North Sea in both ecological and economic terms. The Ecoseed model builds MPAs based on the change in values of predicted economic rents of fisheries and the existence value of biomass pools in the ecosystem. We consider the market values of four fisheries operating in the North Sea: a trawl fishery, a gill net fishery, a seine fishery, and an industrial (reduction) fishery. We apply existence values, scaled such that their aggregate is similar to the total fishery value, to six biomass pools of concern: juvenile cod, haddock, whiting, saithe, seals, and the collective pool ,Other predators' that include marine mammals. Four policy options were considered: to maximize the rent only; to maximize the existence values only; to maximize the sum of the rent and existence values; and, finally, to maximize the sum of the rent and the existence values, but excluding only the trawl fleet from the MPA. The Ecoseed model suggests that policy goals that do not include ecological considerations can negatively impact the rents obtained by the different fishing sectors. The existence values will also be negatively impacted unless the MPA is very large. The Ecoseed model also suggests that policy goals based solely on existence values will negatively impact most fisheries. Under policy options that included ecological considerations, maximum benefits were derived from an MPA that covered 25,40% of the North Sea, placed along the southern and eastern coasts. Finally, the Ecoseed model suggests that an exclusion of the trawl fishery only from the MPA can provide small-to-substantial positive impacts to most species and fleets; this relative impact depends on level of interaction between the trawl fleet and the other fleets target species (e.g., through bycatch). [source]

Social features of energy production and use in Brazil: Goals for a sustainable energy future

NATURAL RESOURCES FORUM, Issue 1 2007
Márcio Macedo Da Costa
Abstract This paper focuses on the social features of ene rgy production and use in Brazil and discusses the role of the energy policy goals of accessibility, affordability and acceptability in defining a sustainable energy future for the country. The major findings are that social inequalities in Brazil regarding energy use continue to be substantial and important. This can be explained by the fact that, although recent decades have seen significant improvements in energy accessibility all over the country, much more needs to be done to provide affordable, and socially acceptable modern energy carriers to all socio-economic groups in all regions. [source]

What Factors Shape Korea's Future?

PACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 2 2009
Forces, Fortuna versus Ideas, Free Will
To assess the prospects for peace on the Korean peninsula we must understand the factors that have contributed to tension and to détente in recent decades. Whatever policy goals we pursue, it would be helpful to know how these factors have operated in the past. The most relevant factors can be analyzed under three headings: material hard power; fortuna, and the intangibles of ideas and free will. This essay reviews examples of how these factors have contributed to conflict and , less often , reduced tensions on the Korean peninsula. No single factor explains the ups and downs in North,South relations and the Six-Party Talks in recent years. No single explanation accounts for developments in the past, but the record shows that ideas and determined individuals have sometimes overcome the thrust of material forces and neutered the vagaries of time and chance. In short, free will has often outweighed both forces and fortuna. Where there is a will (on all sides), paths to mutual gain can sometimes be developed. [source]

A Comparative Analysis of President Clinton and Bush's Handling of the North Korean Nuclear Weapons Program: Power and Strategy,

PACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 1 2004
Ilsu Kim
The purposes of this paper are: 1) to examine and analyze how the two presidents' policy goals in dealing with North Korea actually materialized; 2) to illustrate how these two Presidents implement their policy goals toward North Korea; 3) to discuss the Congressional responses to the president's policy goals toward North Korea; and 4) to provide comparative analysis of the two presidents' handling of North Korea. This study shows that different Presidents have dealt with North Korean issues in different ways. Two such presidents, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, tried at the beginning of their terms as president to ignore the brewing problems in North Korea. However, both were forced to solve the North's nuclear issues early on in their respective administrations. Their decisions in dealing with North Korean nuclear capabilities help to define their early reputations as foreign policy makers. Yet, the domestic as well as international contexts that President Clinton and Bush faced were somewhat different. President Clinton maintains that the North's nuclear crisis arose from North Korea's security fears: Abandoned by its two Cold War patrons, economically bankrupt, and internationally isolated, the North Korean government saw the pursuit of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles as the only path to survival and security for their regime. In this regard, Clinton's actual efforts to resolve the issues surrounding the North's nuclear program appeared ambiguous and inconsistent. This led to the temporary suspension of the North's nuclear ambitions through an Agreed Framework. However, President Bush stuck to more of a hardnosed approach. He continues to demand a complete, verifiable and irreversible dismantling of the nuclear program first, before any provision of economic or humanitarian assistance is extended toward North Korea. Bush favors multilateral negotiations, which leads the DPRK to feel more isolated than before. Although the second six-party talks ended without a major breakthrough, it seems that all parties except the North think the meeting was successful in terms of lowering tensions in Korea. This case study demonstrates several observable features that characterize the president's role in shaping North Korean policy. A president who wants to take a new approach to some element of U.S. policy can be caught between the diplomat's desire for flexibility and the power of domestic political forces. The president can achieve success, but only if the new direction in policy finds acceptance on Capitol Hill. [source]