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Policy Attitudes (policy + attitude)
Selected AbstractsThe Racial Components of "Race-Neutral" Crime Policy AttitudesPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 1 2002Mark Peffley Past studies have found evidence of a connection between race and crime in the minds of many white Americans, but several gaps remain in our knowledge of this association. Here, a multimethod approach was used to examine more closely the racial component of whites' support for ostensibly race-neutral crime policies. Conventional correlational analysis showed that negative stereotypes of African Americans,specifically, the belief that blacks are violent and lazy,are an important source of support for punitive policies such as the death penalty and longer prison terms. A survey experiment further showed that negative evaluations of black prisoners are much more strongly tied to support for punitive policies than are negative evaluations of white prisoners. These findings suggest that when many whites think of punitive crime policies to deal with violent offenders, they are thinking of black offenders. [source] Denominational Differences in Support for Race-Based Policies Among White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian AmericansJOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION, Issue 3 2009R. Khari Brown This study builds upon past studies of denominational culture and racial attitudes by positioning evangelicals as the basis of comparison when assessing denominational differences in American racial attitudes. The study also attempts to extend the theoretical contribution of religious culture and racial attitudes by assessing support for race-based policies among black, white, Hispanic, and Asian-American evangelical and nonevangelical Protestants. In short, arguments about a distinctive individualistic religious culture among evangelicals may be useful in explaining why white evangelicals maintain lower levels of support for policies aimed at reducing racial inequality than do mainline and secular whites. However, it is of less relevance in explaining the race-based policy attitudes of white evangelicals relative to white Catholics and among nonwhites as a whole. [source] Contemporary Immigration Policy Orientations Among Dominant-Group Members in Western EuropeJOURNAL OF SOCIAL ISSUES, Issue 3 2001James S. Jackson Predictors of immigration policy attitudes were investigated among members of receiving societies in large national probability samples in 15 Western European countries. We found that a considerable proportion of the variation in immigration policy orientations toward outgroups could be explained by self- and group interests and independent measures of perceived threat. Self-reported racism also contributed independently and significantly to these policy positions. It was concluded that a general framework of proximal self- and group-position indicators (Allport, 1954), perceived threat, and prejudice/racism was useful in predicting the immigrant policy orientations of dominant members of receiving societies across Western Europe. The meaning of these findings for future research on immigration policy orientations across, and especially within, European countries is discussed. [source] Self-Interest, Symbolic Attitudes, and Support for Public Policy: A Multilevel AnalysisPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2009Richard R. Lau This paper examines the role of self-interest and symbolic attitudes as predictors of support for two domestic policy issues,guaranteed jobs and incomes and national health insurance,in the American National Election Survey (ANES) between 1972 and 2004. As was the case in 1976 when Sears, Lau, Tyler, and Allen (1980) first explored this topic, symbolic attitudes continue to be much more important predictors of policy attitudes than various indicators of self-interest over the 30 years we analyze. We explore this finding further to determine whether any individual/internal and external/contextual variables affect the magnitude of self-interest effects on policy support. Five possible internal moderators of self-interest effects are examined: (1) political knowledge, (2) issue publics, (3) political values, (4) social identifications, and (5) emotions, but none are found to boost the magnitude of the self-interest effect. However, we do find some evidence that contextual variables representing the social/information environment moderate the impact of self-interest on public opinion. [source] Racial Perceptions and Evaluative Responses to Welfare: Does Education Attenuate Race-of-Target Effects?POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 5 2005Christopher M. Federico A growing body of research indicates that welfare attitudes may be strongly shaped by negative perceptions of Blacks. This raises questions about what might inhibit the racialization of welfare attitudes. In this vein, a long line of work indicating that education leads to increased tolerance suggests that the relationship between negative racial perceptions and welfare attitudes may be weaker among the highly educated. However, recent studies suggest that the role of education may be more complex: While negative racial perceptions may be less prevalent among the highly educated, the relationship between these perceptions and policy attitudes appears to be stronger among highly educated individuals. The present study attempts to extend this finding by examining the hypothesis that the presence of a racial cue would be more (rather than less) likely to strengthen the relationship between negative racial perceptions and evaluative responses to welfare among college-educated Whites. Data from a survey-based experiment included in the 1991 National Race and Politics Study provided a clear pattern of support for this hypothesis. [source] Threat, Authoritarianism, and Selective Exposure to InformationPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2005Howard Lavine We examined the hypothesis that threat alters the cognitive strategies used by high authoritarians in seeking out new political information from the environment. In a laboratory experiment, threat was manipulated through a "mortality salience" manipulation used in research on terror management theory (Pyszczynski, Solomon & Greenberg, 2003). Subjects (N = 92) were then invited to read one of three editorial articles on the topic of capital punishment. We found that in the absence of threat, both low and high authoritarians were responsive to salient norms of evenhandedness in information selection, preferring exposure to a two-sided article that presents the merits of both sides of an issue to an article that selectively touts the benefits of the pro or con side of the issue. However, in the presence of threat, high but not low authoritarians became significantly more interested in exposure to an article containing uniformly pro-attitudinal arguments, and significantly less interested in a balanced, two-sided article. Finally, a path analysis indicated that selective exposure to attitude-congruent information led to more internally consistent policy attitudes and inhibited attitude change. Discussion focuses on the role of threat in conditioning the cognitive and attitudinal effects of authoritarianism. [source] Education and the Interface between Racial Perceptions and Criminal Justice AttitudesPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 1 2005Christopher M. Federico Recent work has implicated negative attitudes toward blacks in support for toughened criminal-justice measures. This suggests that the issue of crime may be implicitly "racialized," despite a lack of overt racial content. The present study examines the hypothesis that education may weaken the relationship between negative racial perceptions and crime-related policy attitudes. In contrast to traditional views about the role of education in the domain of race-related attitudes, the results of analyses using several different general-population samples suggest that the effects of education are somewhat paradoxical: they reduce the intensity of negative racial perceptions, while bolstering the relationship between these perceptions and criminal justice attitudes. [source] When Do Welfare Attitudes Become Racialized?AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 2 2004The Paradoxical Effects of Education Recent research suggests that welfare attitudes may be shaped by negative perceptions of blacks, suggesting an implicit racialization of the policy. But what might inhibit the racialization of welfare? In this vein, research indicating that education facilitates tolerance suggests that negative racial perceptions and welfare attitudes may be less related among the educated. However, education may also be associated with a greater ability to connect general predispositions with specific policy attitudes. Somewhat paradoxically, this suggests that the association between racial perceptions and welfare attitudes may be stronger among the college-educated, despite their lower overall levels of racial hostility. Study 1 shows that education attenuates negative racial perceptions, while strengthening their impact on public-assistance attitudes,but only when assistance is described as "welfare." Study 2 extends and qualifies this finding, showing that education strengthens the relationship between perceptions of welfare recipients and global welfare attitudes only when recipients are black. [source] | ||||||||||