			Home About us Contact

Political Values (political + value)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	100%

Selected Abstracts

Reconciliation as a Political Value

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY, Issue 2 2007
Darrel Moellendorf
First page of article [source]

Party Identification and Core Political Values

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2005
Paul Goren
Party identification and core political values are central elements in the political belief systems of ordinary citizens. Are these predispositions related to one another? Does party identification influence core political values or are partisan identities grounded in such values? This article draws upon theoretical works on partisan information processing and value-based reasoning to derive competing hypotheses about whether partisanship shapes political values or political values shape partisanship. The hypotheses are tested by using structural equation modeling techniques to estimate dynamic models of attitude stability and constraint with data from the 1992,94,96 National Election Study panel survey. The analyses reveal that partisan identities are more stable than the principles of equal opportunity, limited government, traditional family values, and moral tolerance; party identification constrains equal opportunity, limited government, and moral tolerance; and these political values do not constrain party identification. [source]

The Politics of Revision in Samuel Daniel's The Civil Wars

ENGLISH LITERARY RENAISSANCE, Issue 3 2008
Gillian Wright
Samuel Daniel's historical poem The Civil Wars has traditionally been regarded as a conservative text, committed in presentation and in practice to upholding the principle of hereditary right in monarchy. Such a view overlooks Daniel's many complex revisions to the poem between its first appearance in print in 1595 and the final,though still unfinished,version published in 1609. Comparative analysis of the different printed editions of the poem shows that between 1595 and 1609 Daniel's political priorities changed significantly, especially on the question of the role and legitimacy of kingship. Whereas the 1595 Civil Wars does indeed adopt a broadly conservative attitude to the rights of hereditary monarchs, the 1609 text of the poem no longer automatically endorses kingly authority but instead consistently privileges the monarch's commitment to the "publique good" and the just execution of the laws. This subtle but radical pattern of change culminates in Daniel's vignette of Elizabeth Grey and Edward IV (1609, Book VIII), which departs from the poet's sources in representing Grey's resistance to Edward's attempted seduction in explicitly politicized terms. This observable shift in Daniel's political values also foreshadows later aspects of his historiography in the prose Collection of the Historie of England (1618). (G.W.) [source]

May the weak force be with you: The power of the mass media in modern politics

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2006
KENNETH NEWTON
Television is often said to undermine democratic government popular support for leaders and institutions. In spite of all that has been written about media malaise, however, both theory and evidence suggests that the media are a comparatively weak force whose effects can be deflected, diluted and diffused by stronger forces. These include bedrocks political values associated with class, religion, age, gender and education, as well as social networks and discussions, distrust of the mass media, and personal knowledge and experience. Equally, the variables that mediate the media may also magnify its effects so that what appears to be a large media effect is, in fact, the result of an interaction between the media and other forces. This article lays out the argument of the media malaise literature that covers government and politics, then outlines the social forces that mediate the media, and finally provides some evidence to illustrate the argument that the media are generally a weak force in society. [source]

The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets

HYPATIA, Issue 4 2005
CATHERINE HUNDLEBY
Although political values guide people who take advice from standpoint epistemolo-gies in deciding whether to reveal secrets used to resist oppression, these decisions can also be understood and evaluated in purely cognitive or epistemological terms. When politica! considerations direct us to preserve a secret, the cognitive value progressively diminishes because the view of the world projected by the secret is increasingly vulnerable. [source]

Uses of Value Judgments in Science: A General Argument, with Lessons from a Case Study of Feminist Research on Divorce

HYPATIA, Issue 1 2004
ELIZABETH ANDERSON
The underdetermination argument establishes that scientists may use political values to guide inquiry, without providing criteria for distinguishing legitimate from illegitimate guidance. This paper supplies such criteria. Analysis of the confused arguments against value-laden science reveals the fundamental criterion of illegitimate guidance: when value judgments operate to drive inquiry to a predetermined conclusion. A case study of feminist research on divorce reveals numerous legitimate ways that values can guide science without violating this standard. [source]

Samuel Huntington and the Geopolitics of American Identity: The Function of Foreign Policy in America's Domestic Clash of Civilizations

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES PERSPECTIVES, Issue 2 2003
Emad El-Din Aysha
Abstract The clash of civilizations thesis's true origins lie partly in problems Samuel Huntington sees brewing in his own country. His thesis is to a considerable extent an externalization of these troubles,,an attempt to solve them through international means, while serving U.S. national interests in tandem. As a scholar of American exceptionalism Huntington is,,explicitly and openly,,concerned about the political unity and cultural homogeneity of his country in the absence of the existential threat of world Communism. He sees "multiculturalism" and excessive immigration threatening America's dominant Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, English culture and its libertarian political values. Right-wing "anti-federalism" is threatening the authority and very existence of the federal government, while "commercialism," the elevation of commercial interests above all else among economic and political elites, intensifies the class conflict roots of much anti-federalism. The solution to these myriad problems is a foreign threat, whether real or perceived; hence, the clash of civilizations. [source]

Is there a core national doctrine?

NATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 2 2001
Erica Benner
National doctrines are notoriously diverse, and often embody contradictory political values and criteria for membership. This article asks whether there is a ,core' national doctrine that connects republican, cultural, ethnic and liberal concepts of nationality. It considers two attractive candidates: one locating the ,core' in a doctrine about the political and psychological significance of pre-political cultural identities, the other in the constitutional principle of popular sovereignty. After assessing the limitations of both, I sketch a different core national doctrine. This doctrine is constitutive and geopolitical, not constitutional or cultural. It has deep roots in the security concerns specific to the modern, pluralistic system of sovereign states, and prescribes in general terms the form that any community should take in order to survive or distinguish itself in that system. It says very little about the appropriate basis for such communities; the choice of political, cultural, ethnic or even racial criteria is left wide open. More than other versions, this ,core' is able to identify the common ground between cultural, constitutional, and other national doctrines. It also puts a sharp focus on the reasons why, historically, national and liberal values have been so hard to combine. [source]

Self-Interest, Symbolic Attitudes, and Support for Public Policy: A Multilevel Analysis

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2009
Richard R. Lau
This paper examines the role of self-interest and symbolic attitudes as predictors of support for two domestic policy issues,guaranteed jobs and incomes and national health insurance,in the American National Election Survey (ANES) between 1972 and 2004. As was the case in 1976 when Sears, Lau, Tyler, and Allen (1980) first explored this topic, symbolic attitudes continue to be much more important predictors of policy attitudes than various indicators of self-interest over the 30 years we analyze. We explore this finding further to determine whether any individual/internal and external/contextual variables affect the magnitude of self-interest effects on policy support. Five possible internal moderators of self-interest effects are examined: (1) political knowledge, (2) issue publics, (3) political values, (4) social identifications, and (5) emotions, but none are found to boost the magnitude of the self-interest effect. However, we do find some evidence that contextual variables representing the social/information environment moderate the impact of self-interest on public opinion. [source]

More Than Weighting Cognitive Importance: A Dual-Process Model of Issue Framing Effects

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 1 2008
Rune Slothuus
Issue frames in policy discourse and news reporting regularly influence citizens' political opinions. Yet, we only have a limited understanding of how and among whom these framing effects occur. I propose a dual-process model of issue framing effects arguing that we must understand mediators of framing (the how question) in connection with individual-level moderators of framing (the whom question). Experimental results show that issue framing affects opinion through different psychological processes depending on who the receiver of the frame is. Among the moderately politically aware or those having weak political values, framing effects were mediated through processes of changing importance of considerations as well as changing content of considerations. Among the highly aware, only the importance change process mediated framing effects, while there were no framing effects among those least aware or those having strong values. [source]

Social Change, Values and Political Agency: The Case of the Third Way

POLITICS, Issue 1 2004
Will Leggett
The third way is based on both sociological claims about a changed world, and normative propositions about appropriate conduct within that world. Four types of claim concerning the relationship between social change and political values are identified within third way advocacy. In each case, the degree of political agency implied is assessed. This ranges from a position which minimises the room for political interventions in the face of social change, to one which gives primacy to the role of political values. A successful third way project, or alternative, needs not only to be grounded in contemporary social change, but also to show how to steer it. [source]

Source Cues, Partisan Identities, and Political Value Expression

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2009
Paul Goren
This article examines the conditions under which partisan identities shape the positions people express on four political values: equal opportunity, self-reliance, moral traditionalism, and moral tolerance. The theoretical framework posits that (1) party source cues activate latent partisan biases in the minds of citizens, which in turn affect the degree to which individuals express support for these values; (2) out-party cues are more powerful motivators of value expression than in-party cues; (3) value shifts are more pronounced when liberal-conservative identities reinforce partisan sentiments; and (4) partisan cues promote horizontal constraint among these values. These hypotheses are tested using data from a set of experiments appearing on a novel national survey. The empirical results generally support these theoretical expectations. [source]

Economic Inequality and Intolerance: Attitudes toward Homosexuality in 35 Democracies

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2008
Robert Andersen
Using hierarchical linear models fitted to data from the World Values Survey and national statistics for 35 countries, this article builds on the postmaterialist thesis by assessing the impact of economic inequality across and within nations on attitudes toward homosexuality. It provides evidence that tolerance tends to decline as national income inequality rises. For professionals and managers, the results also support the postmaterialist argument that economic development leads to more tolerant attitudes. On the other hand, attitudes of the working class are generally less tolerant, and contrary to expectations of the postmaterialist thesis, are seemingly unaffected by economic development. In other words, economic development influences attitudes only for those who benefit most. These findings have political implications, suggesting that state policies that have the goal of economic growth but fail to consider economic inequality may contribute to intolerant social and political values, an attribute widely considered detrimental for the health of democracy. [source]

Party Identification and Core Political Values

MASS-VACCINATION PROGRAMMES AND THE VALUE OF RESPECT FOR AUTONOMY

BIOETHICS, Issue 5 2008
LOTTE ASVELD
ABSTRACT Respect for autonomy is problematic in relation to public health programmes such as vaccination, as the success of such programmes depends on widespread compliance. European countries have different policies for dealing with objectors to vaccination programmes. In some countries compliance is compulsory, while in others objectors are exempted or allowed to enter the programme under specific conditions. In this paper I argue that the objectors should not be treated as a homogenous group as is done in the above-mentioned policies. Objectors have different arguments for not participating in vaccination programmes. Considering the value of respect for autonomy, some but not all of these arguments need to be accommodated by authorities. The concept of ,narrative autonomy' provides criteria to distinguish between tenable and untenable claims to the right to refuse vaccination. Narrative autonomy understands autonomy as essentially linked to identity, as this provides the moral framework with which we assess our first-order preferences. The above-mentioned concept of autonomy is derived from the concept of narrative identity as described by Marya Schechtman. She suggests that the application of the Articulation Constraint and the Reality Constraint enables us to establish the validity of personal narratives. Additionally, form and content features of identity, as proposed by Anthony Laden, will be used as criteria to establish the compatibility of the defectors' arguments with shared scientific and political values. Such compatibility is essential to accommodate respect for autonomy in the context of public health. [source]

Assessing the Debate, Assessing the Damage: Transatlantic Relations after Bush

BRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 1 2009
David Hastings Dunn
Transatlantic relations during the Bush administration sank to the lowest point in the post-war period following the invasion of Iraq in 2003. This article provides an analysis of both the current state of that relationship and the academic debate which accompanies it. Arguments over the impact of various factors are analysed to determine the extent of transatlantic divergence. Thus, demographic change in America and Europe, divergence of political values between Europe and America, power differences, post-war geopolitical realignments, European integration and American unilateralism and exceptionalism are all analysed and evaluated. While some of these arguments presented are challenged, the article argues that the process of constructing separate European and American identities from within the transatlantic community is the single most significant contemporary challenge to transatlantic relations. [source]

Into Cerberus' Lair: Bringing the Idea of Security to Light1

BRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 4 2005
Graham M. Smith
Using the motif of Cerberus, the three-headed monster watchdog of Hades, this article attempts to bring ,security' to light. Specifically, it addresses two related questions. The primary question is: What does ,security' mean?. Here it is argued that ,security' is related to ,order' and is a reflection not of a positive value in and of itself, but the relative success of any given order to realise its core values in relation to other orders. Therefore, ,security' is found to be like Cerberus insofar as it exists not as an independent value or being, but only in relation between two orders. Having located ,security' within this conceptual framework, the article then addresses its second question: What are the effects of security?. The motif of Cerberus suggests that security ,bites' in three ways: first, that specific measures of security control the members of an order; second, that the identification of security threats reinforce certain persons and structures of the order as being the definers of the order; and finally, that the implementation of certain security measures can change and transform the order itself. In this way the analysis offered here brings ,security' to light not only as an inherently political term connected to political values, but to provide foundations for critiquing the rhetorical use of ,security' in contemporary political discourse and thought. [source]