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Political Trust (political + trust)
Selected AbstractsEvaluating Migrant Integration: Political Attitudes Across Generations in Europe,INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 1 2010Rahsaan Maxwell This article engages debates about migrant integration by analyzing political trust and satisfaction in 24 European countries. The evidence suggests that first-generation migrants have the most positive attitudes, while native-origin and second-generation migrant-origin individuals have similar political trust and satisfaction scores. To explain these outcomes, I focus on the importance of subjective integration factors related to the stages of migration. I claim that first-generation migrants, who have gone through the disruptive process of changing countries, will have lower expectations and be more likely to have positive evaluations of the host society. In comparison, native-origin and second-generation migrant-origin individuals have been raised in the same society and are likely to share perspectives toward that society's political institutions. [source] Trusting souls: A segmentation of the voting publicPSYCHOLOGY & MARKETING, Issue 12 2002Leon G. Schiffman When a 30-year decline in the American voters' trust of political office holders and the election process is contrasted to their enduring trust of the democratic form of government, there is strong confirmation of the need to take a multidimensional approach in measuring political trust. To this end, a segmentation scheme based on two well-established political trust measures (i.e., incumbent-based trust and regime-based trust) is proposed. In particular how two specific trust segments differ in terms of the time they spend on various political and election-related activities is examined. Among other things, the findings reveal that the dual-trusting segment (i.e., those who were both regime and incumbent trusting) were substantially more likely than the regime-only trusting segment (i.e., those who were regime trusting and incumbent untrusting) to watch television debates or speeches and have informal discussions with friends and co-workers on topics related to the election. There were no meaningful differences between the two segments when it came to giving or raising funds, or campaigning for a candidate or political party. However, when it came to voting-related decision making, the results suggest that dual-trusting individuals were significantly more likely to spend more than a little time considering how they were going to vote for President, U.S. Senate, and on particular political issues. The article ends with suggestions for future research, as well as some thoughts on how politicians and their advisers might more fully embrace the relational marketing paradigm, especially as it pertains to the connection between elected officials and the voting public. © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. [source] Does One Trust Judgement Fit All?BRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2010Empirics, Linking Theory Few questions in political science have received more attention in recent times than the role of trust in democracy, democratic government and political participation. In Britain this has become a particular concern as levels of democratic engagement in traditional politics have declined, exacerbated by media reports of politicians' untrustworthy behaviour. A common feature of previous empirical work on political trust is that trust is treated as a single theoretical concept. Scholars have assumed that trust operates in a similar fashion across different political institutions,that citizens' trust mechanisms are the same for trusting parliament, the prime minister or the European Union. As a consequence, the operationalisation of trust has generally been through a single measure. In this article we draw on recent research from political theory, where different forms of judgements whether to trust,strategic, moral and deliberative,have been conceptualised, to argue that trust judgements may vary in application and significance depending upon the institution under examination. Using specially designed data sets generated from YouGov's weekly omnibus and the British Election Study's Continuous Monitoring Panel, we operationalise these three forms of trust judgements to examine trust in two British institutions,political parties and politicians. We find, as hypothesised, that different forms of trust judgements are of differing significance depending upon the institution under consideration. [source] | ||||||||||