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Political Thought (political + thought)
Kinds of Political Thought Selected AbstractsUNDERSTANDING DIVERSITY IN AFRICAN AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT: COMPARING DU BOIS, WASHINGTON, GARVEY AND ELIJAH MUHAMMADPOLITICS & POLICY, Issue 2 2000Jaswant M. Sullivan This study provides a systematic and comparative treatment of four African-American political thinkers. Previous works on African-American political thought have been mostly biographical and idiographic treatments. This study uses the comparative method to systematically evaluate the political philosophies of W. E. B. Du Bois, Booker T. Washington, Elijah Muhammad, and Marcus Garvey. Although the study does not claim that the thinker's political thought is causally related to his activist position, it is expected that there is a logical connection between them. The study introduces a framework which combines two dimensions into four categories. The four thinkers are hypothesized to each fit a different category. The findings support the hypothesized categorization. [source] The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Political Thought.THE HEYTHROP JOURNAL, Issue 4 2010Edited by Stephen Salkever No abstract is available for this article. [source] Religion and Political Thought.THE HEYTHROP JOURNAL, Issue 4 2010Edited by Micheal Hoelzl, Graham Ward No abstract is available for this article. [source] Tractarians and the ,Condition of England': The Social and Political Thought of the Oxford Movement (Oxford Historical Monographs) By Simon A. SkinnerTHE HEYTHROP JOURNAL, Issue 4 2006John Marsden No abstract is available for this article. [source] Imperial Ideology and Political Thought in Byzantium , By Dimiter AngelovTHE HISTORIAN, Issue 1 2009Warren Treadgold No abstract is available for this article. [source] State Socialism in Australian Political Thought: A ReconsiderationAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 1 2006Tod Moore In understanding the origins of conventional tenets in political thought, we should attend to cross-spectrum analysis of usage. Taking state socialism as an instance, this paper argues that the practice of treating it historically either as an element within a radical tradition (by Labour historians) or as a discredited part of a socialist agenda (by liberals) ignores the ways in which it was it was deployed across the political spectrum. Outsiders (such as the Webbs and Métin) skewed the record, describing the pragmatic accommodations they saw as "socialism without doctrines", unconscious of the debates amongst Australian political elites. We need to explore anew where ideas came from, how they were taken up and adapted in the Australian context (by all sides) and the circumstances that determined their duration within everyday discourse. [source] TOWARD A SEMIOTIC THEORY OF CHOICE AND OF LEARNINGEDUCATIONAL THEORY, Issue 3 2006Andrew Stables Such a view, Stables and Gough argue, has the potential to displace or circumvent essentially Cartesian models currently dominant within learning theory (cognitivism and responses to it) and within neoclassical economics (rational choice and responses to it). It thus enables synergies between theories of learning and of economic behavior, allowing for greater consistency in thinking about (but not necessarily prescribing for) both educational policy and provision, on the one hand, and curriculum and pedagogy, on the other. In addition, the authors claim that giving semiotics a foundational role in educational thinking provides a basis for the broader development of liberal political thought within a postmodern cultural context. [source] The State of Christendom: history, political thought and the Essex circle*HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 213 2008Alexandra Gajda The State of Christendom, published in 1657, is a forgotten Elizabethan treatise, and a significant but neglected work of late Elizabethan scholarship and political thought. It is argued that the treatise was authored by members of the circle of Robert Devereux, second earl of Essex in the mid fifteen-nineties, and that it reflects the political and scholarly concerns of Essex and his followers, especially Anthony Bacon, and their engagement with Catholic politics and polemic. The scholarly methodology of the author and the political arguments of the treatise are analysed, in particular the author's interest in tyranny and the remedies for the restraint of tyrants, which shed light on the contexts that shaped the discussion of political ideas in late Elizabethan England and the mental world of the Essex circle. [source] FLORENTINE CIVIC HUMANISM AND THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN IDEOLOGYHISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 3 2007HANAN YORAN ABSTRACT This article revisits the question of the modernity of the Renaissance by examining the political language of Florentine civic humanism and by critically analyzing the debate over Hans Baron's interpretation of the movement. It engages two debates that are usually conducted separately: one concerning the originality of civic humanism in comparison to medieval thought, and the other concerning the political and social function of the civic humanists' political republicanism in fifteenth-century Florence. The article's main contention is that humanist political discourse rejected the perception of social and political reality as being part of, or reflecting, a metaphysical and divine order or things, and thus undermined the traditional justifications for political hierarchies and power relations. This created the conditions of possibility for the distinctively modern aspiration for a social and political order based on liberty and equality. It also resulted in the birth of a distinctively modern form of ideology, one that legitimizes the social order by disguising its inequalities and structures of domination. Humanism, like modern political thought generally, thus simultaneously constructs and reflects the dialectic of emancipation and domination so central to modernity itself. [source] A European Initiative: Irigaray, Marx, and CitizenshipHYPATIA, Issue 3 2004ALISON MARTIN This article presents Irigaray as a philosopher committed to sociopolitical change by discussing her political thought and her engagement with the European Parliament. It traces her recent work with the ex-Communist Party in Italy back to her early critique of Marx and her subsequent attraction to Hegel's civil definition of the person. The failure of her European Parliament initiative suggests that her thinking is in advance of its possible realization. [source] Mary Astell: Including Women's Voices in Political TheoryHYPATIA, Issue 3 2004PENNY A. WEISS Writing in the seventeenth century, Mary Astell offers some splendid models of what it can mean to include women in determining the purposes of politics, in marking the boundaries of issues on the political agenda, and in analyzing particular political concepts. A contending voice in early modern philosophy, Astell's contributions to political thought are made more visible here by contrast with Thomas Hobbes, with whom she was familiar and somewhat sympathetic. [source] American Orientalism and American Exceptionalism: A Critical Rethinking of US HegemonyINTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2009Meghana V. Nayak In this essay, we argue that critical International Relations (IR) scholars must consider American Orientalism in tandem with American Exceptionalism in order to better understand US identity, foreign policymaking, and hegemony. We claim that American Exceptionalism is a particular type of American Orientalism, a style of thought about the distinctions between the "West" and the "East" that gives grounding to the foundational narrative of "America." While Exceptionalism and Orientalism both deploy similar discursive, ontological, and epistemological claims about the "West" and its non-western "Others," Exceptionalism is also rooted specifically in American political thought that developed in contradistinction to Europe. As such, we demonstrate that different logics of othering are at work between the West and the non-West, and among Western powers. We implore critical IR scholars to interrogate how the United States and Europe alternatively collude and clash in wielding normative power over their non-Western Others. We claim such research is important for exploring the staying power of American hegemony and understanding the implications of European challenges to American foreign policy, particularly given recent concerns about a so-called transatlantic divide. [source] The role of civil society in European integrationJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 1 2001Beatrice Rangoni Machiavelli Abstract This paper explores the concept of ,civic society' in Western political thought, charting the changing understanding of this concept through history and its manifestation in contemporary political and social life. The paper draws out the inferences for our understanding of the role of government, particularly with the European Union and its relationship with citizens and other representative community-based and non-governmental organisations. The paper argues that the fundamental values that are central to civic society underpin the proposed EU Charter on Fundamental Rights and maintains that effective European integration requires responsible participation by Europe's citizens. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications [source] Apostle of human progress: Lester Frank Ward and american political thought, 1841,1913JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF THE BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES, Issue 1 2005John C. Burnham No abstract is available for this article. [source] Freedom as Justice: Hegel's Interpretation of Plato's RepublicMETAPHILOSOPHY, Issue 3 2000Robert Bruce Ware Hegel's interpretation of Plato's political thought provides the principal illustration of his metaphilosophy. However, Hegel has been criticized for imposing his own metaphilosophical agenda upon Plato's work, and for consequently overestimating its descriptive content while underestimating its prescriptively normative features. A reexamination of Hegel's metaphilosophy nevertheless reveals that he appreciated the broader significance of Plato's political philosophy within a conceptual framework that transcends the traditional dichotomy of description and prescription and that explores issues concerning the relation of theory and practice. [source] Is there Nationalism after Ernest Gellner?NATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 4 2003An exploration of methodological choices This paper explores the advance of the study of nationalism with particular reference to hitherto neglected methodologies. After suggesting what might be the lesson to be learned from Ernest Gellner's critique of Wittgensteinian linguistic philosophy, I set out some of the considerations and questions which guide my own attempt at a definition of nationalism after Gellner. These are essentially concerned with the function of meaning for ,real people', that is, with the substantiation of the nation through the study of ideologies and feelings, links between interest and identity, conditions of responsiveness and the differential success of mass mobilisation. In the remainder of the paper, I explore the benefit that may be achieved from adopting the methodologies of the so-called Cambridge school of the history of political thought and of social representations in social psychology. [source] Sententiousness and Nationalist Discourse: The Case of Alfredo RoccoNATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 1 2000John Dickie This article considers the normative and hypostatising functions of nationalist discourse, and the necessity of rhetoric to nations and nationalism. It does so on the basis of a case study of sententiousness in the thought of Alfredo Rocco. Rocco was one of the most important Nationalist and Fascist intellectuals and the legislative architect of the Fascist state. His political thought is analysed by taking as a starting point a quirk of the historiography on Rocco, which insistently attributes a dangerous ,rigour' to his texts, and in particular to the punchy, sententious quality of his style. A close reading of Rocco's nationalism, using Flaubert to understand the rhetoric of sententiousness, reveals a systematic pattern of contradictions between normative and hypostatised definitions of the nation. Aspects of these findings, it is argued, can potentially be extended to embrace all forms of nationalism. [source] Alone in the World: The Existential Socrates in the Apology and CritoPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 3 2007Emanuele Saccarelli The story of Socrates' life, and in particular the circumstances of his death, has been a nearly obligatory referent for the development of Western political thought. Contemporary political theorists such as Hannah Arendt and, more recently, Gerald Mara and Dana Villa have presented Socrates as a model of political engagement for our times. Against the background of these accounts, I develop an existential interpretation of Socrates as he appears in the Apology and Crito, focusing on the singular, private, experiential and incommunicable character of Socrates' truth. In doing so, I discuss some important and contentious issues in Socratic studies, such as his disavowal of knowledge, his allegiance to the Athenian polis and the apparent tension between his defiance during the trial and his willingness to submit to the resulting death sentence. My interpretation reveals a Socrates that we should not strive to understand, let alone emulate politically, particularly if we wish to respect his own sensibilities. [source] The Conceptual History of Social JusticePOLITICAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2005Ben Jackson Social justice is a crucial ideal in contemporary political thought. Yet the concept of social justice is a recent addition to our political vocabulary, and comparatively little is known about its introduction into political debate or its early theoretical trajectory. Some important research has begun to address this issue, adding a valuable historical perspective to present-day controversies about the concept. This article uses this literature to examine two questions. First, how does the modern idea of social justice differ from previous conceptualisations of justice? Second, why and when did social justice first emerge into political discourse? [source] THE SOUTHERN AGRARIANS, PROGRESS, AND THE TRAGIC VOICEPOLITICS & POLICY, Issue 1 2001Christopher M. Duncan In this argument the Agrarian role in the American political drama is not necessarily the specific one implied by the dichotomy: "Agrarian versus Industrial" (Twelve Southerners [1930] 1977, xxxviii), or the policist pronouncement", that the culture of the soil is the best, and that therefore it should have the economic preference and enlist the maximum number of workers"(xlvii). Instead, this is an attempt to place them in a role similar to that played by Sophocles' Antigone,and Sophocles himself,juxtaposing them to the North's Creon. I argue that the Southern Agrarian "voice," when heard properly, makes, possible the tragic sense, adjured by America's unequivocal attachment to modernity's gospel of progress. By positioning the Agrarians in such a way the goal is to point out a way of thinking about the political world, to create a sensibility that is only possible when their voice or another like it is heard properly and with its own timbre. If the project is successful, then two aims will be realized. First, the place and role of the Southern Agrarians in the history of American political thought will be made clearer. And secondly, the history of American political thought will have been employed in part as a kind of theoretical advocacy in the service of American political theory. [source] UNDERSTANDING DIVERSITY IN AFRICAN AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT: COMPARING DU BOIS, WASHINGTON, GARVEY AND ELIJAH MUHAMMADPOLITICS & POLICY, Issue 2 2000Jaswant M. Sullivan This study provides a systematic and comparative treatment of four African-American political thinkers. Previous works on African-American political thought have been mostly biographical and idiographic treatments. This study uses the comparative method to systematically evaluate the political philosophies of W. E. B. Du Bois, Booker T. Washington, Elijah Muhammad, and Marcus Garvey. Although the study does not claim that the thinker's political thought is causally related to his activist position, it is expected that there is a logical connection between them. The study introduces a framework which combines two dimensions into four categories. The four thinkers are hypothesized to each fit a different category. The findings support the hypothesized categorization. [source] Political Ontology and Institutional Design in Montesquieu and RousseauAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 2 2010David Lay Williams Historians of political thought have been puzzled by Montesquieu's simultaneous appeals to the diversity of human practices and eternal norms of justice. Isaiah Berlin famously referred to this as an impassable "contradiction" burdening his work. Careful examination of Rousseau's appropriations from and developments on Montesquieu, however, reveal that these observations are not merely reconcilable,they provide a fruitful way to approach legislation and constitution drafting. This is accomplished by understanding his employment of the principle of transcendent constrained indeterminacy. [source] Arendt, Augustine And EvilTHE HEYTHROP JOURNAL, Issue 2 2000David Grumett The publication of Hannah Arendt's doctoral these Love and Saint Augustine forces reappraisal of the view that Arendt's concept of evil originates in her experience of totalitarianism and coverage of the Eichmann trial. Augustine's account of the original nature of evil in the contexts of ontology, society and divine providence in fact provides the basis for Arendt's analysis of the banality of evil in the individual, the social, and the political spheres. Augustine's internal and external mental triads moreover contribute to Arendt's own thinking-willing-judging triad and allow a clearer understanding of its dynamics. The fact that Arendt's analysis derives much of its power from her appropriation of Augustinian theological concepts suggests a need for the increased diffusion of theological concepts in political thought. [source] LÉVI-STRAUSS AND THE POLITICAL: THE ELEMENTARY STRUCTURES OF KINSHIP AND THE RESOLUTION OF RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND SETTLER STATESTHE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, Issue 3 2005Michael Asch This article addresses the contribution of Lévi-Strauss's The elementary structures of kinship to resolving political relations between indigenous peoples and the settler states. To this end, it explores his discussion of the origins of society within the context of Enlightenment-inspired political thought and concludes that he provides a unique, counter-hegemonic alternative to conventional narratives. It then shows how this argument thwarts the presumption in Canadian jurisprudence that indigenous peoples were automatically incorporated into the state through European settlement, and fosters an understanding that a relationship based on the concept of ,Treaty' as understood in indigenous political thought promotes a political relationship that affirms the integrity of all parties. [source] State Socialism in Australian Political Thought: A ReconsiderationAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 1 2006Tod Moore In understanding the origins of conventional tenets in political thought, we should attend to cross-spectrum analysis of usage. Taking state socialism as an instance, this paper argues that the practice of treating it historically either as an element within a radical tradition (by Labour historians) or as a discredited part of a socialist agenda (by liberals) ignores the ways in which it was it was deployed across the political spectrum. Outsiders (such as the Webbs and Métin) skewed the record, describing the pragmatic accommodations they saw as "socialism without doctrines", unconscious of the debates amongst Australian political elites. We need to explore anew where ideas came from, how they were taken up and adapted in the Australian context (by all sides) and the circumstances that determined their duration within everyday discourse. [source] The origins of the global city: ethics and morality in contemporary cosmopolitanismBRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 1 2003Deiniol Jones This article makes the case for a strong delineation of ethical and moral categories in contemporary international relations theory,specifically, within the theory of cosmopolitanism. The argument draws on the history of ideas, particularly observations about the nature of Stoicism in classical political thought, and a range of contemporary ,ethical' texts to make the case that there is a missing ethical category in contemporary approaches. Contemporary reflections on world citizenship and the global city, such as those contained in Linklater and Held, adopt a specifically moral notion of normativity and neglect an ethical component which is both distinct and theoretically practicable. The article offers a specific policy area,the area of international drug control,as a potential area of policy application. [source] The political thought of Isaiah BerlinBRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 1 2002Dunchan Kelly Typically evaluated for the merits or otherwise of his famous account of ,value pluralism', Isaiah Berlin's more general political thought is less often discussed. However, broader reflection sheds light on three crucial elements necessary for a proper understanding of Berlin's work. First, it shows the importance and context of his analysis of Marx and Marxism in providing the basis for his distinction between pluralism and monism. Secondly, through his criticisms of Marxism, Berlin's political sympathy for a moderate nationalism, something also reflected in his personal considerations regarding Jewish identity, can more easily be gauged. Thirdly, and in conclusion, a combination of this political preference and the ,pluralism,monism' dichotomy offers an explanation as to why Berlin wrote the history of political ideas as he did. [source] Unwritten law in Hobbesian political thoughtBRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2000Alan Cromartie In Hobbesian terminology, ,unwritten laws' are natural laws enforced within a polity, by a non-sovereign judge, without some previous public promulgation. This article discusses the idea in the light of successive Hobbesian accounts of ,law' and ,obligation'. Between De Cive and Leviathan, Hobbes dropped the idea that natural law is strictly speaking law, but he continued to believe unwritten laws must form a part of any legal system. He was unable to explain how such a law could claim a legal status. His loyalty to the notion, in spite of all the trouble that it caused, is a sign of his belief that moral knowledge is readily accessible to all. [source] Surveying Recent Literature on the Arabic and Persian Mirrors for Princes GenreHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 2 2009L. Marlow The study of the medieval Arabic and Persian ,mirror for princes' literatures in many respects resembles that of the similarly abundant literatures produced in Byzantium and the Latin West. In earlier scholarship, the predominant approach was that of the history of ideas, and scholars tended to focus on depictions of the ideal ruler and other aspects of the ,political thought' expressed in the mirror literatures. A secondary area of interest concerned textual transmission within and across these literatures. More recent scholarship has continued to develop and refine these established approaches, and has also developed new directions of research. Notably, several scholars have explored the Sitz im Leben of individual mirrors, and have studied their meaning and significance in the historical settings in and for which they were composed. Certain recent publications have highlighted the flexibility of mirrors, the multiple purposes they often served, the range of perspectives represented by their authors, and the importance of authors' choices of language and genre in shaping the composition and reception of their works. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||