Home About us Contact
|
Home About us Contact | ||
|
|
||
Political Support (political + support)
Selected Abstracts"We Have A Consensus": Explaining Political Support for Market Reforms in Latin AmericaLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2002Leslie Elliott Armijo ABSTRACT By the 1990s, to the astonishment of many ob0servers, most Latin American countries had reformed their systems of national economic governance along market lines. Many analysts of this shift have assumed that it circumvented normal political processes, presuming that such reforms could not be popular. Explanations emphasizing economic crisis, external assistance, and politically insulated executives illustrate this approach. Through a qualitative investigation of the reform process in the region's four most industrialized countries, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico, this study argues, to the contrary, that reforming governments found or created both elite and mass political support for their policies. [source] Overview of interventions to enhance primary-care provider management of patients with substance-use disordersDRUG AND ALCOHOL REVIEW, Issue 5 2009PETER ANDERSON Abstract Issues. Despite the evidence for the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of interventions to manage substance use disorders, which are common presenting complaints in primary care, primary-care providers find managing substance use disorders a difficult business. This paper provides an overview of the evidence for interventions, including training and education programmes, in enhancing the management of alcohol- and tobacco-use disorders by health-care providers. Approach. The Cochrane Library and the database of the Cochrane Effective Practice and Organisation of Care Group were searched for answers to five questions: (i) Can education and training increase the involvement of primary care providers? (ii) Can education and training cause harm? (iii) Can education and training be enhanced with support and other organisational factors? (iv) Can finance systems change provider behaviour? and (v) Is political support needed? Key Findings. Education and training can increase the involvement of primary-care providers in managing alcohol- and tobacco-use disorders, with the impact enhanced by additional support and other organisational factors. There is some evidence that if education and training does not take account of providers' attitudes, then harm can be caused. There is limited evidence that finance systems can change provider behaviour, and that comprehensive policy, in which a health sector response is a part, can increase the potential of primary-care management of alcohol- and tobacco-use disorders. Conclusions. Tailored education and training programmes for the management of alcohol- and tobacco-use disorders need to be broadly implemented and embedded in overall comprehensive policies that provide the necessary organisational and financial incentives for enhancing provider behaviour. There is an urgent need to extend the evidence base on the impact of education and training and other strategies to increase the involvement of providers in managing substance-use disorders.[Anderson P. Overview of interventions to enhance primary-care provider management of patients with substance-use disorders. Drug Alcohol Rev 2009;28:567,574] [source] Examining rival theories of demographic influences on political support: The power of regional, ethnic, and linguistic divisions in UkraineEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2002Lowell W. Barrington What effects do regional, linguistic, and ethnic divisions have on support for the government and political system? What is the effect of each when the others are controlled for? Are apparent differences in support across regions simply compositional effects of ethno-linguistic patterns in those regions? This article provides answers to these questions, through the analysis of late 1998 mass survey data from Ukraine. The results indicate that region of residence strongly shapes support for the government and regime. Ethnicity and language, on the other hand, have weaker effects than scholars would expect, once region is controlled for. Thus, regional differences are not simply reflecting ethno-linguistic patterns in Ukraine, as scholars have often implied. These findings shed light on rival theoretical approaches to understanding regional, ethnic and linguistic sources of identity. They also highlight the necessity for scholars who have emphasized ethnic and linguistic cleavages in other countries to consider controlling for region of residence before jumping to conclusions about effects on political attitudes. Finally, the findings have narrower, but important, implications for the study of Ukraine and for its stability. [source] Learning and re-learning regime support: The dynamics of post-communist regimesEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2002William Mishler The political support of citizens of new democracies reflects two sets of experiences. Initially, people are socialized into an undemocratic regime; then, they must re-learn political support in relation to a new regime. In an established democracy, it is difficult to disentangle the effect of early socialization and current performance because both refer to the same regime. However, this is both possible and necessary in countries where there has been a change in regime. Critical questions then arise: When, whether and how do citizens determine their support for their new regime? At the start of a new regime past socialization should be more important but, after a few years, current performance should become more important. We draw on 47 Barometer surveys between 1991 and 1998 in ten more or less democratic post-communist regimes of Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union to test the relative importance of early socialization influences, the legacy of the communist past, and the political and economic performance of new regimes. We find that economic and political performance explains the most variance in support and, secondarily, the communist legacy. Early socialization is insignificant. However, contrary to economic theories of voting, the impact of political performance is greater than the impact of economic performance in post-communist countries , and its impact is increasing. [source] Missile defence and the transatlantic security relationshipINTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2001Wyn Q. Bowen This article examines the re-emergence of ballistic missile defence (BMD) as a contentious issue in US-European security relations since 1999. It begins by outlining three phases in the recent evolution of US missile defence policy from 1995 to mid-2001. The article then examines five key factors that have dominated European views and concerns in relation to BMD: a divergence between European and American assessments of the emerging ballistic missile threat; concern over the implications for nuclear arms control stemming from Russian and Chinese opposition to BMD; the impact of missile defence on deterrence and the Atlantic alliance; scepticism about the technological feasibility of BMD; and the potential opportunity costs associated with resource allocation to missile defence. It is shown that European anxieties have been exacerbated by a perception of a growing unilateralism in American security policy in recent years. The article proceeds by arguing that the US-European debate over BMD looks set to evolve in one of two directions. The more likely and most desirable scenario would involve the US reaching an understanding with its European allies on the way forward. The less desirable scenario would involve key European countries, such as France and Germany, deciding ultimately to withhold their political support for BMD, which would have the potential of causing significant rifts in both transatlantic and intra-European security relations. In both cases, it is argued that the BMD debate will be defined by the interaction of several key variables. These include the extent to which the Bush administration engages in meaningful consultations with the Europeans; the administration's ability or otherwise to reach an agreement with Russia on the way ahead; the architecture options of a future allied or global BMD system; the related issues of technological feasibility and financial cost; and the evolving missile threat. [source] POLICY UNCERTAINTY, ELECTORAL SECURITIES, AND REDISTRIBUTION,INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC REVIEW, Issue 1 2010Andrea Mattozzi This article investigates how uncertainty about the adoption of a redistribution policy affects political support for redistribution when individuals can trade policy-contingent securities in the stock market. In equilibrium the support for redistribution is smaller than where no "policy-insurance market" is available. This implies that in economies with well-developed financial markets redistribution decreases with the level of participation in these markets and with income inequality. Furthermore, the existence of a policy-insurance market may lead to a less equal distribution of income than where no insurance is available even if a majority of individuals are redistributing resources through private transfers. [source] Democratic demand for a social Europe?INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WELFARE, Issue 2 2005Preferences of the European citizenry Within the literature on European integration there is a widespread assumption that Europe is in need of intensified and more effective supranational social policy cooperation. However, on the political level it is doubtful whether such measures are welcomed by the national electorates. This article addresses this issue empirically by asking whether there is public demand for promoting greater European welfare policy cooperation and what are the determinants of such a demand. The data source used is the Eurobarometer survey 2000. A number of hypotheses dealing with socio-structural differences, the effects of welfare regime types, the subjective evaluation of the integration process and the role of identity will be scrutinised. Overall, the results indicate that at the attitudinal ,grass root' level there is no unequivocal support for a European welfare responsibility and that some fundamental cleavages are present. It is the regional and cultural aspects, especially, which turn out to be having an effect and to be influencing future political conflicts. A common European welfare arrangement, therefore, cannot be regarded as a solution to the problems the European Union is facing; rather it will raise new and severe problems of finding social and political support. [source] Regional Organizations and Intra-Regional Migration in Sub-Saharan Africa: Challenges and ProspectsINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 6 2001Aderanti Adepoju Africa is a region of diverse migration circuits relating to origin, destination and transit for labour migrants, undocumented migrants, refugees and brain circulation of professionals. This article outlines major migration configurations in the region, and the role of two vibrant subregional organizations , Economic Community of West African States and South African Development Community , in facilitating, containing or curtailing intra-regional migration which takes place within diverse political, economic, social and ethnic contexts; the transformation of brain drain into brain circulation; and commercial migration in place of labour migration within the region. Despite overlapping membership, wavering political support, a poor transportation network, border disputes and expulsions, these subregional organizations are crucial for the region's collective integration into the global economy, and to enhance economic growth and facilitate labour intraregional migration. Free movement of persons without visa, adoption of ECOWAS travellers' cheques and passports, the creation of a borderless Community; and the granting of voting rights and later citizenship and residence permits by South Africa to migrant workers from SADC countries are positive developments. These organizations need to foster cooperation between labour-exporting and recipient countries, implement the protocols on the right of residence and establishment; promote dialogue and cooperation in order to harmonize, coordinate and integrate their migration policies as envisioned by the 1991 Abuja Treaty establishing the African Economic Community. [source] When does a referent public problem affect financial and political support for public action?JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DECISION MAKING, Issue 2 2008Nicolao Bonini Abstract In three studies we examined the willingness to support action to remedy a public problem. In Study 1 and Study 2, people were asked whether they would financially contribute to solution of a public problem. In Study 3, people were asked whether they would sign a petition to support a public action. The aim was to test whether the willingness to support solution of a public problem is affected by the type of problem that is used as the referent. We hypothesized that the willingness to support a public action is lower when evaluated in the context of a high- as opposed to a low-importance referent problem (importance contrast effect). We also hypothesized that the importance contrast effect is tied to the perceived relatedness between the target and referent problems. The importance contrast effect should be found only when the two problems relate to different category domains. The findings bear out this prediction. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Fair p(l)ay for police,the 2007/2008 Bobby LobbyJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2009Isobel Bradshaw This article follows the campaign conducted by the Police Federation of England and Wales as they strove to overturn the Home Secretary's decision on pay in 2007/2008. The campaign combined direct action, media relations, public affairs and legal action as the Federation sought to galvanise public and political support during their dispute. The campaign failed to secure its most immediate aim - the restitution of its rightful pay award - but it won considerable concessions from the Government in later salary negotiations. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Adaptive Management and Watersheds: A Social Science Perspective,JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN WATER RESOURCES ASSOCIATION, Issue 1 2008Catherine Allan Abstract: Adaptive management is often proposed as the most effective way to manage complex watersheds. However, our experience suggests that social and institutional factors constrain the search for, and integration of, the genuine learning that defines adaptive management. Drawing on our work as social scientists, and on a guided panel discussion at a recent AWRA conference, we suggest that watershed-scale adaptive management must be recognized as a radical departure from established ways of managing natural resources if it is to achieve its promise. Successful implementation will require new ways of thinking about management, new organizational structures and new implementation processes and tools. Adaptive management encourages scrutiny of prevailing social and organizational norms and this is unlikely to occur without a change in the culture of natural resource management and research. Planners and managers require educational, administrative, and political support as they seek to understand and implement adaptive management. Learning and reflection must be valued and rewarded, and fora established where learning through adaptive management can be shared and explored. The creation of new institutions, including educational curricula, organizational policies and practices, and professional norms and beliefs, will require support from within bureaucracies and from politicians. For adaptive management to be effective researchers and managers alike must work together at the watershed-scale to bridge the gaps between theory and practice, and between social and technical understandings of watersheds and the people who occupy and use them. [source] Has the time come to control hepatitis A globally?JOURNAL OF VIRAL HEPATITIS, Issue 2008Matching prevention to the changing epidemiology Summary., For the first time a global meeting on hepatitis A virus (HAV) infection as vaccine preventable disease was organized at the end of 2007. More than 200 experts from 46 countries gathered to investigate the changing global HAV epidemiology reflecting the increasing numbers of persons at risk for severe clinical disease and mortality from HAV infection. The benefits of childhood and adult hepatitis A (HepA) vaccination strategies and the data needed by individual countries and international health organizations to assess current HepA prevention strategies were discussed. New approaches in preventing HAV infection including universal HepA vaccination were considered. This introductory paper summarizes the major findings of the meeting and describes the changing epidemiology of HAV infections and the impact of HepA vaccination strategies in various countries. Implementation of HepA vaccination strategies should take into account the level of endemicity, the level of the socio-economic development and sanitation, and the risk of outbreaks. A stepwise strategy for introduction of HepA universal immunisation of children was recommended. This strategy should be based on accurate surveillance of cases and qualitative documentation of outbreaks and their control, secure political support on the basis of high-quality results, and comprehensive cost-effectiveness studies. The recognition of the need for increased global attention towards HepA prevention is an important outcome of this meeting. [source] "We Have A Consensus": Explaining Political Support for Market Reforms in Latin AmericaLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2002Leslie Elliott Armijo ABSTRACT By the 1990s, to the astonishment of many ob0servers, most Latin American countries had reformed their systems of national economic governance along market lines. Many analysts of this shift have assumed that it circumvented normal political processes, presuming that such reforms could not be popular. Explanations emphasizing economic crisis, external assistance, and politically insulated executives illustrate this approach. Through a qualitative investigation of the reform process in the region's four most industrialized countries, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico, this study argues, to the contrary, that reforming governments found or created both elite and mass political support for their policies. [source] The credit crunch , the right time for credit unions to strike?LEGAL STUDIES, Issue 1 2009Dr Nicholas Ryder The origins of the cooperative movement can be traced to the Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers in 1844, from which similar institutions emerged in Central Europe, the North American continent and the rest of the world. Modern credit unions evolved from these small cooperative societies and have developed into mainstream providers of financial services in many jurisdictions. However, credit unions in the UK have not made a similar impact. There are several factors that have limited their growth , an inadequate legislative framework, an ineffective credit union regulatory system, inappropriate development models, an over-reliance on state subsidies and a disunited movement. The aim of this paper is to re-examine these factors in light of the level of political support provided by the government since 1997. [source] Maintaining Popular Support for the Chinese Communist Party: The Influence of Education and the State-Controlled MediaPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 3 2009John James Kennedy Literature on public opinion in China suggests that public support for the Chinese Communist party (CCP) is quite high. No matter how survey questions regarding regime support are phrased, the results are the same. The obvious question arises: how does an authoritarian regime, such as the PRC, garner the support of the vast majority of its citizens? I argue that the exposure-acceptance model best explains the high level of public support in China. This model suggests that educated citizens, who are politically aware, display high levels of political support within an authoritarian regime, but citizens at the highest levels of education are more resistant to political messages and tend to have lower levels of support. However, in a developing country such as China there are unequal educational opportunities for rural and urban citizens. This has a significant influence on how education affects regime support. Despite lower levels of support among the most educated citizens, the CCP still manages to maintain a high level of popular support through strict control over the media and education system. [source] Does Performance Budgeting Work?PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW, Issue 5 2006An Examination of the Office of Management, Budget's PART Scores In this paper, the authors use the Bush administration's management grades from the Program Assessment Rating Tool (PART) to evaluate performance budgeting in the federal government,in particular, the role of merit and political considerations in formulating recommendations for 234 programs in the president's fiscal year 2004 budget. PART scores and political support were found to influence budget choices in expected ways, and the impact of management scores on budget decisions diminished as the political component was taken into account. The Bush administration's management scores were positively correlated with proposed budgets for programs housed in traditionally Democratic departments but not in other departments. The federal government's most ambitious effort to use performance budgeting to date shows both the promise and the problems of this endeavor. [source] Globalization and the Strengthening of Democracy in the Developing WorldAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2005Nita Rudra Scholars and policy makers have long assumed that trade and financial liberalization encourages developing countries to become more democratic; yet no one has developed formal hypotheses about the causal relationship between globalization and democracy. This article shows that these two trends are indeed related, but not necessarily in the direct manner that has commonly been postulated. Combining theories of embedded liberalism and conflict-based theories of democracy, the model presented here depicts the process that affects decisions to strengthen democracy as trade and capital flows increase. I argue that increasing exposure to international export and financial markets leads to improvements in democracy if safety nets are used simultaneously as a strategy for providing stability and building political support. Empirical evidence is provided by econometric analysis covering 59 developing countries for the time period 1972,97. [source] Teledermatology in the U.K.: lessons in service innovationBRITISH JOURNAL OF DERMATOLOGY, Issue 3 2007T.L. Finch Summary Background, Teledermatology has the potential to revolutionize the delivery of dermatology services by facilitating access to specialist services at a distance. In the U.K. over the previous decade there have been numerous attempts at introducing and using teledermatology; however, the development of teledermatology as routine service provision remains limited. Objectives, To identify factors that promote successful use of teledermatology as a part of routine service provision. Methods, A longitudinal qualitative study of teledermatology, drawing on data from in-depth semistructured interviews; observations of systems in practice; and public meetings. Data were analysed collectively by the research team using established qualitative analytical techniques to identify key thematic categories. The sample consisted of teledermatology services within the U.K. (n = 12) studied over 8 years (1997,2005). Individual participants (n = 68 interviews) were consultant dermatologists, researchers, teledermatology nurses, administrators, patient advocates, general practitioners and technologists. Results, The analysis compared services that did or did not become part of routine healthcare practice to identify features that supported the normalization of teledermatology. Requirements for using and integrating teledermatology into practice included: political support; perceived benefit and relative commitment that outweighs effort; pragmatic approaches to proving efficacy and safety; perception of risk as being ,manageable' on the basis of professional judgement; high levels of flexibility in practice (in terms of individuals, technology and organization); and reconceptualizing professional roles. Conclusions, Successful implementation of teledermatology as a routine service requires greater understanding of and attention to the interplay between social and technical aspects of teledermatology, and how this is accommodated both by healthcare professionals and the organizations in which they work. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||