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Political Sphere (political + sphere)
Selected AbstractsTHE SCHOOL AS AN EXCEPTIONAL SPACE: RETHINKING EDUCATION FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE BIOPEDAGOGICALEDUCATIONAL THEORY, Issue 2 2006Tyson E. LewisArticle first published online: 3 MAY 200 Agamben's theory of the camp provides a challenging, critical vantage point for looking at the ambiguities that emerge from the complex field of disciplinary procedures now prevalent in inner-city, low-income, minority schools, and helps to clarify what exactly is at stake in the symbolic and sometimes physical violence of schooling. Key to understanding the primary relation between camp and classroom is Agamben's framework of the biopolitical, which paradoxically includes life as a political concern through its exclusion from the political sphere. Here Lewis appropriates Agamben's terminology in order to theorize the biopedagogical, wherein educational life is included in schooling through its abandonment. For Lewis, the theory of the camp is necessary to recognizing how schools function and, in turn, how they could function differently. [source] On the (In)Compatibility of Guilt and Suffering in German Memory1GERMAN LIFE AND LETTERS, Issue 2 2006Aleida Assmann This article analyses the current shift in German memory concerning the issue of German suffering at the end of the Second World War. Contrary to widely held belief, these themes are not novel: German suffering was a topic of discourse immediately after the war in the private and political sphere. What is new in the current context, however, is the intensity of the unexpected return of these issues and their wide social resonance among different classes and generations. With this shift in focus, new memory contests arise. One paradigmatic case is the polarity created between a memory of German guilt and a memory of German suffering as represented by the two popular historians Hannes Heer and Jörg Friedrich; another concerns the (still ongoing) debate around a new centre for flight and expulsion. It is argued that the impasse of recent cultural memory debate typified by Heer and Friedrich can be surpassed by a more complex understanding of the structure of memory. According to this view, various levels of heterogeneous memory can exist side by side if they are contained within a normative frame of generally accepted validity. [source] Language and nationality: the role of policy towards Celtic languages in the consolidation of Tudor powerNATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 3 2001Gillian Brennan This article considers the attitude of the governing elite in sixteenth-century England to the minority languages spoken by subjects within their jurisdiction, concentrating on Cornish, Welsh and Irish. Perhaps influenced by the tendency of nineteenth-century nationalists to equate nationality and language, historians have assumed that Tudor governments were hostile to languages other than English and wished to suppress them. An examination of a variety of sources leads to the suggestion that this was not the case. There was a certain amount of apprehension in the political sphere in the 1530s but in the second half of the century cultural perception of languages dominated as attempts to spread the Protestant faith led to an encouragement of the range of vernaculars. The conclusion points to parallels between sixteenth-century and contemporary sympathy towards minority cultures in the context of the devolution debate. [source] "Adversarial legalism" in the German system of industrial relations?REGULATION & GOVERNANCE, Issue 3 2009Britta Rehder Abstract The US has a distinctive legal style, which Robert Kagan has called "adversarial legalism." It is marked by a pattern of political decisionmaking and conflict resolution in which the courtrooms and the law are systematically exploited as political arenas for making and implementing political settlements and policy outlines. In this article it is argued that a "German way" of adversarial legalism is about to emerge in the German industrial relations system. Economic liberalization, the fragmentation and decentralization of lawmaking authority in the political sphere, and the common-law-like nature of German labor law have contributed to the appearance of a judicialized pattern of governance. Nonetheless, Germany is not converging on the "American way of law" and major differences are expected to persist in the years to come. [source] An Economic Ethics for the AnthropoceneANTIPODE, Issue 2010J. K. Gibson Graham Abstract:, Over,Antipode's,40 years our role as academics has dramatically changed. We have been pushed to adopt the stance of experimental researchers open to what can be learned from current events and to recognize our role in bringing new realities into being. Faced with the daunting prospect of global warming and the apparent stalemate in the formal political sphere, this essay explores how human beings are transformed by, and transformative of, the world in which we find ourselves. We place the hybrid research collective at the center of transformative change. Drawing on the sociology of science we frame research as a process of learning involving a collective of human and more-than-human actants,a process of co-transformation that re/constitutes the world. From this vision of how things change, the essay begins to develop an "economic ethics for the Anthropocene", documenting ethical practices of economy that involve the being-in-common of humans and the more-than-human world. We hope to stimulate academic interest in expanding and multiplying hybrid research collectives that participate in changing worlds. [source] A tale of CIN,the Cannabis Infringement Notice scheme in Western AustraliaADDICTION, Issue 5 2010Simon Lenton ABSTRACT Aims To describe the development and enactment of the Western Australian (WA) Cannabis Infringement Notice scheme and reflect on the lessons for researchers and policy-makers interested in the translation of policy research to policy practice. Methods An insiders' description of the background research, knowledge transfer strategies and political and legislative processes leading to the enactment and implementation of the WA Cannabis Control Act 2003. Lenton and Allsop were involved centrally in the process as policy-researcher and policy-bureaucrat. Results In March 2004, Western Australia became the fourth Australian jurisdiction to adopt a ,prohibition with civil penalties' scheme for possession and cultivation of small amounts of cannabis. We reflect upon: the role of research evidence in the policy process; windows for policy change; disseminating findings when apparently no one is listening; the risks and benefits of the researcher as advocate; the differences between working on the inside and outside of government; and the importance of relationships, trust and track record. Conclusions There was a window of opportunity and change was influenced by research that was communicated by a reliable and trusted source. Those who want to conduct research that informs policy need to understand the policy process more clearly, look for and help create emerging windows that occur in the problem and political spheres, and make partnerships with key stakeholders in the policy arena. The flipside of the process is that, when governments change, policy born in windows of opportunity can be a casualty. [source] Politics Improper: Iris Marion Young, Hannah Arendt, and the Power of PerformativityHYPATIA, Issue 4 2007JANE MONICA DREXLER This essay explores the value of oppositional, performative political action in the context of oppression, domination, and exclusionary political spheres. Rather than adopting Iris Marion Young's approach, Drexler turns to Hannah Arendt's theories of political action in order to emphasize the capacity of political action as action to intervene in and disrupt the constricting, politically devitalizing, necrophilic normalizations of proceduralism and routine, and thus to reorient the importance of contestatory action as enabling and enacting creativity, spontaneity, and resistance. [source] The Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo: A Peace MovementPEACE & CHANGE, Issue 3 2002Viviana M. Abreu Hernandez On April 30, 1977, at 3:30 in the afternoon a historical transformation began in Argentina. This transformation was carried out by Argentinean women acting in the social and political spheres against a military regime that directly affected them and their futures. The Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo have reshaped the concepts of motherhood, feminism, activism, resistance, and social action in Argentina and the rest of the world. This study looks at the Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo as a peace movement instead of a human rights movement, resistance movement, or feminist movement, as it has been previously analyzed. Looking at the literature analyzing peace movements and nonviolent direct action, I propose that the Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo should be seen as a peace movement. [source] Arendt, Augustine And EvilTHE HEYTHROP JOURNAL, Issue 2 2000David Grumett The publication of Hannah Arendt's doctoral these Love and Saint Augustine forces reappraisal of the view that Arendt's concept of evil originates in her experience of totalitarianism and coverage of the Eichmann trial. Augustine's account of the original nature of evil in the contexts of ontology, society and divine providence in fact provides the basis for Arendt's analysis of the banality of evil in the individual, the social, and the political spheres. Augustine's internal and external mental triads moreover contribute to Arendt's own thinking-willing-judging triad and allow a clearer understanding of its dynamics. The fact that Arendt's analysis derives much of its power from her appropriation of Augustinian theological concepts suggests a need for the increased diffusion of theological concepts in political thought. [source] Obvious pretence: for fun or for real?THE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, Issue 2 2007Cross-cousin, international relationships in Sri Lanka Rather than understanding ,lying' or deception as a weapon of the oppressed, I use a Machiavellian and Nietzschean framework to investigate linguistic technologies of power that involve deception in contemporary Sri Lanka. My argument is based on distinct speech events collected in the village of Udahenagama and elite circles in Colombo: youthful flirtations, ritual negotiations with spirits, conversations with government officials and soldiers, a reported presidential diplomatic exchange, and everyday village banter. I highlight how the focus of the deceptive recorded interactions is revelation, rather than concealment, and I thereby propose a supplementary translation of the practice of telling boru, as obvious pretence. Obvious pretence is an important aspect of Sinhala linguistic technologies of power which imbue interdependent micro- and macro-level political spheres. I use Bakhtin's work on tones to describe how ,obvious pretence' intertwines, on the one hand, a tone of domination, aggression, and superiority, and, on the other hand, a tone of accommodation, conflict avoidance, and courtship. An aesthetic of power , as the power to deceive , lies in the tension between those two opposing tones, which are encompassed within the single linguistic and pragmatic practice of ,obvious pretence'. [source] Politics And Gastropolitics: Gender And The Power Of Food In Two African Pastoralist SocietiesTHE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, Issue 2 2002Jon Holtzman Male-centred aspects of political behaviour have generally remained the explanatory and interpretive focuses in analyses of the social organization of African pastoralists. While recent work on African pastoralists has shed increasing light on the lives of women, I argue that key assumptions underlying anthropological models of male dominance in these societies have been insufficiently challenged. Drawing on recent approaches in gender and social organization that highlight the mutual constitution of domestic and political domains, I examine comparative material from two well-known pastoralist societies: the Samburu of northern Kenya and the Nuer of southern Sudan. In doing so, I suggest strong linkages between male-dominated ,political spheres' and areas of domestic life in which the role of women is more significant , particularly processes of domestic food distribution. In re-examining central facets of Samburu politics , which are best known through Paul Spencer's seminal analysis of the gerontocratic aspects of Samburu political life , I suggest that the status and identities of Samburu men are in fundamental ways defined through their relationship to women as providers of food within Samburu households. Comparative material from the Nuer suggests, additionally, the strategic use of food by women in influencing male ,political spheres'. In comparing these cases, I suggest a more general model through which domestic processes of food allocation as realms of female-centred social action may be seen to play a central role in the forms and processes of pastoral ,political' life. [source] Feminist Representation(s) of Women Living on Welfare: The Case of Workfare and the Erosion of Volunteer Time*CANADIAN REVIEW OF SOCIOLOGY/REVUE CANADIENNE DE SOCIOLOGIE, Issue 3 2004JACINTHE MICHAUDArticle first published online: 14 JUL 200 Cet article veut en premier démontrer comment l'interprétation féministe des besoins des femmes dans le contexte du travail obligatoire repose sur plusieurs interrelations au sein des groupes communautaires, puis que ces interrelations surviennent dans le contexte d'une politique publique qui a pour effet de transformer le travail volontaire et le temps volontaire à l'intérieur du secteur communautaire en exigeant que les femmes qui vivent de l'aide sociale transforment ce travail en travail obligatoire et en demandant que les groupes communautaires acceptent des placements de travail obligatoire, ce qui a pour effet de remplacer les travailleuses volontaires et de changer le sens donnéà leur travail lui-même. L'article se termine sur une discussion à propos du statut intermédiaire des groupes de femmes et sur l'évolution de la représentation des besoins particuliers des femmes dans la sphère publique/politique. This article intends to show, first, how feminist interpretations of women's needs in the context of workfare are formed through social interactions within community groups. Second, we demonstrate that these interactions are happening within a context of a public policy that is reshaping volunteer work and volunteer time within the community sector by requiring that women living on welfare transform their volunteer work into compulsory work and by asking community groups to accept workfare placements, which result in the displacement of volunteer workers and transform the meaning of volunteer work itself. The article ends with a discussion on the intermediary status of women's groups, as well as the evolution of women's needs representation within the public/political sphere. 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