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Political Spectrum (political + spectrum)
Selected AbstractsToward a US Shift from Agricultural to Rural Development Policy: Forces of Challenge and Change Auf einen Wechsel von der US-Agrarpolitik zu einer Politik des ländlichen Raums hinarbeiten: Die Triebkräfte der Herausforderung und des Wandels Vers une transition des politiques agricoles vers des politiques de développement rural aux États-Unis: Les forces du défi et du changementEUROCHOICES, Issue 1 2008Charles W. Fluharty Toward a US Shift from Agricultural to Rural Development Policy: Forces of Challenge and Change On the 5th of November 2007, Iowa Senator Tom Harkin, Chairman of the US Senate Committee on Agriculture, Forestry and Nutrition, in opening the floor debate on the 2007 Farm Bill, urged a new US commitment to rural policy, keeping in mind that nearly 85 per cent of total farm household income is now generated off-farm. Recent institutional developments, moreover, evidence the success of a decade-long effort to increase focus on the rural development Title of the Farm Bill. One result was the formation of the Alliance for Sensible Agriculture Policies (ASAP), a loose federation of over 30 national organizations, representing the entire political spectrum. It remains highly active in support of Farm Bill reform. Currently, the Senate Bill contains a US$ 400 million increase in mandatory rural development funding. As we move toward an end-game, however, members of both the Senate and the House of Representatives will face the unbridled power of commodity organizations. It is likely that this will again overwhelm public sentiment and wise public choice. Despite overwhelming odds, a new commitment to a more innovative rural policy framework is emerging in the United States. I believe that this Farm Bill will ultimately be viewed as the beginning of a landscape-changing legislative framework for rural people and places in America. Vers une transition des politiques agricoles vers des politiques de développement rural aux États-Unis: Les forces du défi et du changement Le 5 novembre 2007, le Sénateur de l'Iowa Tom Harkin, Président du Comité du Sénat des États-Unis sur l'Agriculture, la Forêt et la Nutrition, en ouverture du débat sur la loi agricole 2007, a appeléà un nouvel engagement pour la politique rurale, en gardant à l'esprit que presque 85 pour cent du revenu total des ménages agricoles provient de sources non agricoles. En outre, les évolutions institutionnelles récentes on mis en évidence les succès d'une décennie d'efforts pour attirer l'attention sur le Titre "développement rural" de la loi agricole. Un résultat a été la formation d'une alliance pour des politiques agricoles raisonnables (Alliance for Sensible Agriculture Policies, ASAP), une fédération large de plus de 30 organisations nationales représentant la totalité du spectre politique. Elle reste très active pour soutenir la réforme de la loi agricole. A l'heure actuelle, la loi proposée par le Sénat prévoit une hausse de 400 millions de dollars des fonds obligatoirement destinés au développement rural. Cependant, à mesure que l'on s'approche de la décision finale, les membres du Sénat et de la Chambre des représentants seront confrontés au pouvoir sans frein des organisations de soutien des produits agricoles. Il est probable que cela va de nouveau dominer les sentiments du public et les choix sensés en matière d'action. En dépit des conditions dominantes, émerge aux États-Unis un nouvel engagement pour un cadre plus innovant pour les politiques de développement rural,.Je crois que cette loi agricole sera considérée comme un point d'inflexion dans le paysage pour les populations et les territoires ruraux aux États-Unis. Auf einen Wechsel von der US-Agrarpolitik zu einer Politik des ländlichen Raums hinarbeiten: Die Triebkräfte der Herausforderung und des Wandels Am 5. November 2007 forderte Tom Harkin, US-Senator aus dem Bundesstaat Iowa und Vorsitzender des Komitees für Landwirtschaft, Forstwirtschaft und Ernährung (US Senate Committee on Agriculture, Forestry and Nutrition), ein größeres Engagement der USA im Hinblick auf die Politik des ländlichen Raums, als er die Plenardebatte über das Landwirtschaftsgesetz von 2007 eröffnete. Dabei hatte er vor Augen, dass mittlerweile beinahe 85 Prozent des gesamten Haushaltseinkommens der landwirtschaftlichen Betriebe aus außerlandwirtschaftlichen Aktivitäten stammt. Zudem belegen die jüngsten institutionellen Entwicklungen den Erfolg der jahrzehntelangen Bemühungen, die Aufmerksamkeit auf den Titel über die Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums im Landwirtschaftsgesetz zu lenken. Als Folge dessen wurde u.a. die Allianz für vernünftige Agrarpolitikmaßnahmen (Alliance for Sensible Agriculture Policies, ASAP) ins Leben gerufen, ein freier Verband von über 30 nationalen Organisationen, die das gesamte politische Spektrum vertreten. Die Allianz setzt sich immer noch sehr für die Reform des Landwirtschaftsgesetzes ein. Derzeit sieht das Gesetz im Senat eine Budgeterhöhung von $ 400 Millionen zur Finanzierung der verbindlichen Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums vor. Da wir jedoch auf die Endphase zusteuern, werden sowohl Mitglieder des Senats als auch des Abgeordnetenhauses der ungezügelten Macht der Rohstofforganisationen gegenüberstehen. Wahrscheinlich wird dies wieder einmal die Stimmung und die weise Entscheidung der Öffentlichkeit maßgeblich beeinflussen. Ungeachtet dessen entwickelt sich in den USA zurzeit ein neues Engagement hin zu einem innovativeren Rahmenprogramm in Bezug auf die Politik des ländlichen Raums. Ich bin der Ansicht, dass dieses Landwirtschaftsgesetz der Landbevölkerung als Zeitpunkt des Landschaftswechsels in Erinnerung bleiben wird. [source] Systemic polarisation and spatial votingEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 6 2010SERGI PARDOS-PRADO The controversy between proximity and directional models of issue voting has not been settled. Instead of appointing an ultimate winner, this article explores the conditioning impact of the level of systemic polarisation and provides evidence that proximity is a more relevant determinant of voter behaviour in less polarised systems, whereas there is a centrifugal and directional dynamic in more polarised contexts. By so doing, the article shows how a largely forgotten notion , namely Sartori's idea of the spatial elasticity of the political spectrum , leads to different spatial viewpoints. In distinguishing between party (supply side) and voter (demand side) polarisation, this framework provides a comprehensive picture about the conditions that turn a centripetal electoral dynamic into a purely centrifugal one. [source] The Making of ,African Sexuality': Early Sources, Current DebatesHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 8 2010Marc Epprecht The notion that Africans share a common sexual culture distinct from people elsewhere in the world has for many years been a staple of popular culture, health, academic, and political discourse in the West as well as in Africa. Sometimes overtly racist (Black Peril) but sometimes intended to combat patronizing or colonialist stereotypes, the idea of a singular African sexuality remains an obstacle to the development of sexual rights and effective sexual health interventions. Where did the idea come from, and how has it become so embedded in our imaginations right across the political spectrum? This article traces the idea back in time to its earliest articulations by explorers, ethnographers, and psychiatrists, as well as to contestations of the idea in scholarship, fiction, and film influenced by Africa's emerging gay rights movement. It asks, what can we learn about the making of ,African sexuality' as an idea in the past that may suggest ways to challenge its enduring, harmful impacts in the present? [source] The French Riots: Questioning Spaces of Surveillance and SovereigntyINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 2 2006Susan Ossman ABSTRACT This paper examines the riots in France in late 2005 in terms of how they lead to a reconceptualization of the spaces of danger, culture, territory, and sovereignty. It traces a brief history of danger zones and immigration, noting how these two terms have increasingly overlapped. We analyse key discursive formations - legal, political, social scientific, and media - whose explanation for the emergence of the "immigrant" delinquent is linked to what is identified as a culture of poverty. They provide a sustained examination of recent legal reforms of juvenile law as well as judicial practices within the juvenile justice system to show the systematic exclusionary practices of what is claimed to be a colour blind republican system. They reveal a consensus across the political spectrum and among police, prosecutors, investigating magistrates, and new security experts on the need to privilege accountability, restitution, and retribution in the treatment of juvenile offenders. We present evidence from interviews and ethnographic observation among youths of all backgrounds. Ironically, while the children of immigrants seek to claim a voice in the national community, their peers from more privileged social milieu express increasing distance from national concerns, seeking to lead lives as Europeans or global citizens. We end by arguing that this needs to be taken into account in any analysis of frustrated and disenfranchised suburban youths. A transnational or supra-national sociology that accounts for the itineraries of immigrants of all kinds must be developed. LES ÉMEUTES EN FRANCE: QU'EN EST-IL DES ESPACES DE SURVEILLANCE ET DE LA SOUVERAINETÉ? Les émeutes qui ont éclaté en France fin 2005 conduisent à une reconceptualisation des notions de danger, de culture, de territoire et de souveraineté. Cet article, qui présente un bref historique des zones de danger et de l'immigration, montre combien ces deux concepts ont tendance à se rejoindre. Nous analysons les principales formations discursives - juridique, politique, sociale, scientifique et médiatique - qui expliquent l'émergence du délinquant « immigré » en l'associant à ce qui est décrit comme une culture de la pauvreté. Elles nous offrent un examen soutenu des réformes récentes du droit des mineurs et des pratiques judiciaires au sein du système de justice des mineurs, et montrent les pratiques d'exclusion systématiques d'un système républicain prétendant ignorer les préjugés raciaux. Elles montrent que, d'un bout à l'autre de l'échiquier politique, dans la police, chez les procureurs, les juges d'instruction et les nouveaux spécialistes de la sécurité, il existe un consensus sur la nécessité de privilégier l'obligation de rendre des comptes, la réparation et le châtiment dans le traitement des mineurs délinquants. Nous étayons cet argument à partir d'entretiens et d'observations ethnographiques de jeunes de tous les milieux. De façon assez ironique, alors que les enfants d'immigrés veulent avoir leur mot à dire au sein de la communauté nationale, les enfants de milieux plus privilégiés se disent de moins en moins concernés par les préoccupations nationales et cherchent à mener une vie d'Européen ou de citoyen du monde. En conclusion, nous avançons que cette situation doit être prise en compte dans toute analyse des jeunes des banlieues frustrés et privés de droits. Une sociologie transnationale ou supranationale qui rendrait compte des itinéraires des immigrés, tous milieux sociaux confondus, serait une bonne chose. LAS REVUELTAS FRANCESAS: CUESTIONAMIENTO DE LOS ESPACIOS DE VIGILANCIA Y SOBERANÍA En este artículo se examinan las revueltas de Francia a finales de 2005 en la medida en que conducen a una reconceptualización de los espacios de peligro, cultura, territorio y soberanía. Se traza una breve historia de las zonas de peligro y de la inmigración, señalando a la atención cómo estos dos conceptos han ido solapándose crecientemente. Se analizan formaciones discursivas clave -jurídicas, políticas, propias de las ciencias sociales y mediáticas - cuyas explicaciones de la aparición del delincuente "inmigrante" se vinculan con lo que se ha descrito como una cultura de la pobreza. Se ofrece un examen sostenido de las recientes reformas jurídicas de las leyes sobre los menores, así como de las prácticas judiciales dentro del sistema de justicia de menores para mostrar las prácticas de exclusión sistemática de lo que se considera que es un sistema republicano daltónico. Se revela un consenso entre los políticos y entre la policía, los fiscales, los jueces de instrucción y los nuevos expertos en seguridad sobre la necesidad de dar prelación a la asunción de responsabilidades, la restitución y la retribución en el tratamiento de los menores delincuentes. Se presentan pruebas extraídas de entrevistas y de la observación etnográfica de los jóvenes de todos los ambientes. Irónicamente, mientras los hijos de inmigrantes tienden a reclamar una voz en la comunidad nacional, sus iguales de medios sociales más privilegiados expresan un creciente distanciamiento de las preocupaciones nacionales y prefieren vivir como europeos o ciudadanos del mundo. Se termina arguyendo que es preciso tener en cuenta este factor en cualquier análisis de los jóvenes frustrados y privados de voto que viven en los barrios periféricos. Será preciso desarrollar una sociología transnacional o supranacional que explique los itinerarios de todo tipo de inmigrantes. [source] Place of Residence, Party Preferences, and Political Attitudes in Canadian Cities and SuburbsJOURNAL OF URBAN AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2004R. Alan Walks As of yet, there has been very little research done on this topic in Canada. Logistic regression models derived from the 1965, 1984 and 2000 Canadian national election surveys confirm that Canadian inner cities and (particularly, outer) suburbs are diverging, and place of residence has become increasingly important in explaining this divergence. Over the study period, residents of inner cities in Canada became more likely to vote for parties of the left and to hold attitudes that would be considered on the left of the political spectrum, while suburban residents were increasingly likely to vote for parties of the right and to hold attitudes on the right of the political spectrum. The research suggests that in Canada, as in the US, the place and context of suburbia is a factor in the shift to the right. This has implications for the future direction of welfare state policy. [source] Lawyers for Conservative Causes: Clients, Ideology, and Social DistanceLAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 1 2003John P. Heinz Scholars have devoted attention to "cause lawyers" on the political left, but lawyers who work on the conservative side of the American political spectrum have received relatively little academic consideration. This article presents systematic data on the characteristics of and relationships among lawyers affiliated with organizations active on a selected set of 17 conservative issues. We find that the lawyers serve several separate and distinct constituencies,business conservatives, Christian conservatives, libertarians, abortion opponents,and that the credentials of the lawyers serving these varying constituencies differ significantly. The greatest degree of social separation occurs between the business constituency and the abortion opponents, with another clear separation between libertarians and the interest groups devoted to traditional family values and order maintenance. The divisions among these constituencies appear to reflect the difference between "insider politics" and "populism," which is manifested in part in actual geographic separation between lawyers located in the District of Columbia and those in the South, West, and Midwest. In the center of the network, however, we find some potential "mediators",prominent lawyers who may facilitate communication and coordination among the several constituencies. These lawyers and the organizations they serve attempt to merge morality, market freedom, and individual liberty concerns, and they convene meetings of diverse sets of lawyers and organizational leaders to seek consensus on policy goals. Nonetheless, the findings indicate that most organizations are seldom active on issues that lie beyond the relatively narrow boundaries of their own interests. [source] Henry George's Political CriticsAMERICAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2008Michael Hudson Twelve political criticisms of George were paramount after he formed his own political party in 1887: (1) his refusal to join with other reformers to link his proposals with theirs, or to absorb theirs into his own campaign; (2) his singular focus on ground rent to the exclusion of other forms of monopoly income, such as that of the railroads, oil and mining trusts; (3) his almost unconditional support of capital, even against labor; (4) his economic individualism rejecting a strong role for government; (5) his opposition to public ownership or subsidy of basic infrastructure; (6) his refusal to acknowledge interest-bearing debt as the twin form of rentier income alongside ground rent; (7) the scant emphasis he placed on urban land and owner-occupied land; (8) his endorsement of the Democratic Party's free-trade platform; (9) his rejection of an academic platform to elaborate rent theory; (10) the narrowness of his theorizing beyond the land question; (11) the alliance of his followers with the right wing of the political spectrum; and (12) the hope that full taxation of ground rent could be achieved gradually rather than requiring a radical confrontation involving a struggle over control of government. [source] A Natural Centre-Left Majority?POLITICS, Issue 1 2003Robin Gray This article concerns the relationship between policy and voter elasticity on either side of the political spectrum as an explanation of the left's post-war political failure. The core contention is that left-oriented voters are more responsive to slight deviations in policy. This is used to explain partially Labour's post-war failure to dominate power even when the ,left's vote' was over 50 per cent. [source] Nationalism in Ukraine: Towards A New FrameworkPOLITICS, Issue 2 2000Taras Kuzio Nationalism is the most abused term in contemporary Ukrainian studies. The majority of scholars have failed to place its use within either a theoretical or comparative framework due to the dominance of area studies and the Russo-centricity of Sovietology and post-Sovietology. Instead of defining it within political science parameters, ,nationalism' has been used in a subjective and negative manner by equating it solely in an ethno-cultural sense with Ukrainophones. As a result, scholars tend to place Ukrainophones on the right of the political spectrum. This article argues that this is fundamentally at odds with theory and comparative politics on two counts. First, ,nationalism' is a thin ideology and can function through all manner of ideologies ranging from communism to fascism. Second, all liberal democracies are composed of ethno-cultural and civic features and are therefore permeated by state (civic) nationalism. The article proposes an alternative three-fold framework for understanding ,nationalism' in Ukraine. [source] The American Right and the Framing of 9/11THE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2004Martin Durham ABSTRACT On September 11th, 2001, 2 hijacked airliners were crashed into the World Trade Center and a third into the Pentagon. The Bush administration's response, both in regard to civil liberties at home and the launching of military action abroad, has been the subject of considerable controversy. As we might expect, the Bush administration's framing of events met with acclaim among many on the American right But here, as elsewhere on the political spectrum, how to understand and react to 9/11 was also the subject of bitter dispute, a dispute that sheds new light on the ongoing arguments among American conservatives in the aftermath of the Cold War. [source] Electoral behaviour behind the gates: partisanship and political participation among Canadian gated community residentsAREA, Issue 1 2010R. Alan Walks Gated communities have been characterised as representing processes of ,forting up' and ,civic secession', in which their residents use gating as a strategy for withdrawing from political life and from taking collective responsibility for others. The assumption is that the residents of private gated communities should be less likely to participate in political life, and/or be more likely to support political parties on the right who advocate privatisation, reduced government expenditures and lower taxes. If the act of living in a gated community is associated with either greater support for parties and policies on the right of the political spectrum, or limited political participation, then the growth of such forms of privatised communities has potential implications for the future of urban politics and even for national political systems. However, despite surveys that have dealt with social attitudes ,behind the gates', insufficient attention has been paid to the politics of gated community residents. This paper fills this gap through a comparative analysis of electoral behaviour during the 2006 federal election at the level of the polling station. Electoral participation and partisanship in 27 gated communities in three Canadian metropolitan areas is compared against that of non-gated residents. Regression analysis is conducted in order to determine whether gated community residents differ from their non-gated counterparts in the way they vote and their levels of electoral turnout, after controlling for social composition. The potential implications of this research are then discussed. [source] State Socialism in Australian Political Thought: A ReconsiderationAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 1 2006Tod Moore In understanding the origins of conventional tenets in political thought, we should attend to cross-spectrum analysis of usage. Taking state socialism as an instance, this paper argues that the practice of treating it historically either as an element within a radical tradition (by Labour historians) or as a discredited part of a socialist agenda (by liberals) ignores the ways in which it was it was deployed across the political spectrum. Outsiders (such as the Webbs and Métin) skewed the record, describing the pragmatic accommodations they saw as "socialism without doctrines", unconscious of the debates amongst Australian political elites. We need to explore anew where ideas came from, how they were taken up and adapted in the Australian context (by all sides) and the circumstances that determined their duration within everyday discourse. [source] The Role of Indigenous Peoples in Guatemalan Political Advertisements: An Ethnographic Content AnalysisCOMMUNICATION, CULTURE & CRITIQUE, Issue 3 2010Colleen Connolly-Ahern This study investigates the current status of indigenous peoples within Guatemalan society, as articulated in one of the most relevant forms of modern communication, political advertising, and defined by one of the most relevant forms of self-expression to the indigenous peoples of Guatemala, the traje. Using ethnographic content analysis, the study examines the roles and characterizations of indigenous people in 67 television commercials from across the Guatemalan political spectrum. Results indicate that indigenous people are most often seen as "crowd members," and are never given important roles, such as "candidate endorser" or "undecided voter." Overall, wearing traje is associated with helplessness and separateness. The commercials of Q'iché Maya candidate Rigoberta Menchú exhibited many of the same characteristics of other candidates. Le rôle des peuples autochtones dans les publicités politiques guatémaltèques : une analyse de contenu ethnographique Colleen Connolly-Ahern & Antoni Castells i Talens Cette étude explore le statut actuel des peuples autochtones dans la société guatémaltèque, telle qu'elle est articulée dans l'une des formes les plus appropriées de communication moderne, les publicités politiques, et telle que définie par l'une des formes d'expression des peuples autochtones du Guatemala les plus pertinentes, le «traje». Par une analyse de contenu ethnographique, l'étude explore les rôles et les représentations des peuples autochtones dans 67 publicités télévisées couvrant le spectre politique du Guatemala. Les résultats indiquent que les peuples autochtones sont le plus souvent vus comme des «membres de la foule». Ils n'ont jamais de rôles importants comme celui de «partisan d'un candidat» ou d'«électeur indécis'. Dans l'ensemble, le port du «traje» est associéà l'impuissance et à la différence. Les publicités de la candidate maya k'iche' Rigoberta Menchú présentaient plusieurs des mêmes caractéristiques que celles des autres candidats. El Rol de las Personas Indígenas en la Publicidad Política de Guatemala: Un Análisis de Contenido Etnográfico Colleen Connolly-Ahern & Antoni Castells i Talens Advertising and Public Relations College of Communications, Penn State University, State College, PA 16802, USA Resumen Este estudio investiga el estado corriente de las personas indígenas dentro de la sociedad Guatemalteca, articulado en una de las formas más relevantes de la comunicación moderna, la publicidad política, y definido por una de las formas más relevantes de auto expresión de las personas Indígenas de Guatemala, el traje. Usando un análisis de contenido etnográfico, este estudio examina los roles y las caracterizaciones de las personas indígenas en 67 comerciales de televisión a través del espectro político Guatemalteco. Los resultados indican que las personas indígenas son vistas más a menudo como "miembros de la multitud'' y nunca se les da roles importantes tales como ,,el candidato de la representación'' o ,,el votante indeciso. '' En general, el uso del traje está asociado con la impotencia y la separación. Los comerciales de la candidata Q'ich,e Maya Rigoberta Menchú exhibieron muchas de las mismas características de los otros candidatos. [source] | ||||||||||