Home About us Contact
|
Home About us Contact | ||
|
|
||
Political Situation (political + situation)
Selected AbstractsThe social construction of the participatory turn: The emergence of a norm in the European UnionEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2010SABINE SAURUGGER At the beginning of the 1990s a new discourse emerged at the European Union level, insisting on the necessity of ,civil society' participation in decision-making processes. Based on a ,strategic-constructivist' research design, this article addresses the question of the emergence of this participatory turn in the official discourse and its transformation into a norm. It argues that the continued activism of an elite forum, consisting of political and administrative actors as well as academics, created the momentum that brought the concerned actors to accept the participatory norm and to play the roles required by it. However, due to internal competition amongst norm entrepreneurs, and a changed political situation, this norm is still contested, making it difficult to assess how its implementation will function. [source] Democracy, Islam and Dialogue: The Case of TurkeyGOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 4 2005Bora Kanra The November 2002 general elections in Turkey produced an Islamic-leaning government, supported by one of the biggest majorities, bringing the relationship between Islam and democracy under scrutiny. This paper examines the nature of this relationship and the current political situation in Turkey. It argues that Turkey's long-running aspiration for democratization has now a reasonable chance of success. This argument is supported by the findings of a Q study, conducted in Turkey during the 2002 election campaign, indicating strong support for dialogue, particularly within the Turkish Muslim community. Yet, it will also argue that turning this possibility into a success depends on the implementation of the right deliberative framework. Habermas's discourse theory of democracy provides the essentials for this. However, particularly in the context of a divided society, like Turkey, it has to be complemented with a better emphasis on deliberation as a social learning process, as in Dryzek's theory of discursive democracy. [source] Rethinking Kashmir's History from a Borderlands PerspectiveHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 7 2010Chitralekha Zutshi Although borders haunt its historical and recent past as well as its contemporary political situation, Kashmir has rarely been theorized as a borderland. This article examines the perspective of borderlands as conceptualized in North American, Asian and African borderlands scholarship. It argues that the application of this perspective , in which borderlands are defined as middle grounds where imperial competition and negotiations among a variety of imperial and indigenous actors led to the production of distinct political cultures , to rethinking Kashmir's history has the potential to liberate the region from the imperatives of national borders that misread its history, while also reinvigorating South Asian borderlands scholarship. [source] Migration and Transnational Families in Fiji: Comparing Two Ethnic GroupsINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 4 2008Carmen Voigt-Graf In the past two decades, international migration patterns out of Fiji have undergone changes with important implications for the formation of transnational families. The focus of this paper is on a comparison between the formation of Indo-Fijian transnational extended families and indigenous Fijian transnational nuclear families. These are discussed within the framework of "transnational corporations of kin." For several decades, Indo-Fijians have permanently migrated to the Pacific Rim as a consequence of the economic and political situation in Fiji. They have resettled in complete nuclear family units and have subsequently attempted to sponsor the migration of their extended family members. Recent years have witnessed an increasing number of indigenous Fijians migrating temporarily for work. In contrast to Indo-Fijians, indigenous Fijian migrate as individuals, leaving their spouses and children behind in Fiji. Women migrate autonomously as caregivers and nurses while men find employment as soldiers and security officers. The main purpose of their mostly temporary migration is to send remittances. However, these economic benefits have to be contrasted with the social and psychological costs associated with the separation of nuclear families. The paper also discusses policy implications arising from the comparative analysis, especially in the light of the current situation in Fiji which is characterised by a lack of policies addressing the implications of migration. Migration et familles transnationales à Fidji: comparaison de deux groupes ethniques Durant ces vingt dernières années, les tendances migratoires internationales au départ de Fidji ont subi des changements qui ont eu d'importantes conséquences sur la constitution de familles transnationales. Le thème central de cette publication porte sur une comparaison entre la constitution de familles transnationales indo-fidjiennes élargies et les familles transnationales fidjiennes indigènes nucléaires. Celles-ci sont examinées dans le cadre de ce que l'on appelle les sociétés familiales transnationales. Depuis plusieurs dizaines d'années, les Indo-Fidjiens migrent à demeure vers la ceinture du Pacifique en raison de la situation économique et politique de Fidji. A partir de là, ils reprennent le schéma de la famille nucléaire complète et tentent ensuite de financer la migration des membres de leur famille élargie. Les dernières années ont mis en évidence une tendance croissante des Fidjiens indigènes àémigrer temporairement en quête de travail. A la différence des Indo-Fidjiens, les Fidjiens indigènes émigrent seuls, en laissant derrière eux femmes et enfants. Les femmes émigrent de façon autonome en quête d'un emploi d'aidante ou d'infirmière tandis que les hommes se font embaucher comme soldats ou agents de sécurité. L'objectif principal de leur migration le plus souvent temporaire est de rapatrier des fonds. Cependant, ces avantages économiques doivent être rapportés aux conséquences sociales et psychologiques découlant de la séparation des familles nucléaires. L'article examine également les répercussions politiques résultant de l'analyse comparative, surtout à la lumière de la situation actuelle à Fidji, laquelle dénote l'absence de politiques appropriées pour faire face aux conséquences de la migration. La migración y las familias transnacionales en Fiji: Comparación de dos grupos étnicos En los últimos veinte años, los patrones de migración internacional desde Fiji han sufrido cambios que han repercutido notablemente en la conformación de familias transnacionales. En este artículo, se establece una comparación entre la conformación de familias indo-fiyianas transnacionales amplias y las familias indígenas fiyianas transnacionales nucleares. Ambas se debaten en el marco de "corporaciones transnacionales de parentesco". Durante varias décadas, los indo-fiyianos emigraron con carácter permanente a la costa del Pacífico a raíz de la situación económica y política prevaleciente en Fiji. Se reasentaron en unidades familiares nucleares completas y, ulteriormente, intentaron patrocinar la migración de sus familiares. En los últimos años, se ha observado un creciente número de fiyianos indígenas que emigran temporalmente por motivos laborales. A diferencia de los indo-fiyianos, los fiyianos indígenas emigran a título individual, dejando atrás a cónyuges e hijos. Las mujeres emigran de manera autónoma para trabajar al cuidado de personas o como enfermeras, mientras que los hombres encuentran trabajo como soldados o guardias. Su migración es mayormente de carácter temporal y tiene por finalidad el envío de remesas. Ahora bien, estos beneficios económicos tienen que examinarse a la luz de los costos sociales y sicológicos asociados con la separación del núcleo familiar. En este artículo también se debaten las consecuencias políticas resultantes del análisis comparativo, especialmente habida cuenta de la situación reinante en Fiji, que se caracteriza por la falta de políticas que encaren las repercusiones que trae consigo la migración. [source] On the Way to a Better Future: Belgium as Transit Country for Trafficking and Smuggling of Unaccompanied Minors1INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 4 2005Ilse Derluyn ABSTRACT During the last decade, irregular border crossings emerged as a new element in international migratory flows, with smuggling and trafficking networks being an essential part. Many people are compelled to use these networks to realize their dream of a better living, and for many this "promised land" is the United Kingdom (UK). Belgium has important sea connections with the UK, and is, therefore, an important migration transit zone, although many migrants are intercepted on Belgian territory during their tempt to reach the UK. Some are unaccompanied or separated children and adolescents, minors travelling without parent(s) or a legal caregiver. This study aims to gain insight about this population of unaccompanied minors travelling to the UK. We use the situation in Zeebrugge, one of Belgium's main ports, as a case study. We analysed 1,093 data files of unaccompanied minors intercepted in Zeebrugge, and carried out participatory observation at the shipping police station. The intercepted unaccompanied minors are mainly male, between 15 and 18 years of age, and from an Asian or Eastern European country. Of the 899 unique persons found in the data files, 113 were intercepted several times. After the interception, the Aliens Office gives the majority (82.9%) an identity document without a requirement to leave Belgium, while 15.3 per cent must leave Belgium immediately or within five days. In 82.9 per cent of the cases, a child protection officer is contacted to make a decision about the situation. In 67.2 per cent of these cases, no child protection measure is taken, and the minor may leave the police station; in 32 per cent of the cases, the minor is transferred to a centre, mostly crisis reception. Almost all unaccompanied minors are convinced they want to reach the UK to create a better livelihood, join a family member, or escape a difficult political situation. Nevertheless, most travel in difficult circumstances; are scared; and lack essential information about life in the UK, their possibilities in Belgium, what will happen if they are transferred to a centre, and so forth. Most minors also do not want to be transferred to a centre, and many , although not all , disappear again from the centres. This study has several implications concerning the kind of decisions taken by the legal authorities, the necessary physical and psycho-social care and the availability of an interpreter and social worker during the interception, the number of reception places and the care in these centres, and the tasks of the legal guardian. Finally, some limitations of the study are mentioned. VERS UN AVENIR MEILLEUR : LA BELGIQUE COMME PAYS DE TRANSIT POUR LA TRAITE ET L'INTRODUCTION CLANDESTINE DE MINEURS NON ACCOMPAGNÉS Au cours de la dernière décennie, le franchissement irrégulier des frontières est apparu comme un nouvel élément des flux migratoires internationaux, dont les réseaux de traite et d'introduction clandestine sont un aspect essentiel. Beaucoup de gens sont forcés d'utiliser ces réseaux pour réaliser leur rêve d'une vie meilleure et pour beaucoup, cette « terre promise », c'est le Royaume-Uni. La Belgique ayant d'importantes liaisons maritimes avec le Royaume-Uni con-stitue de ce fait une importante zone de transit pour les migrations, bien que de nombreux migrants soient interceptés sur le territoire belge alors qu'ils tentent d'atteindre le Royaume-Uni. Certains d'entre eux sont des enfants et des adoles-cents non accompagnés, séparés, des mineurs qui voyagent sans parent(s), sans personne qui en ait la garde juridique. Cette étude vise à mieux connaître cette population de mineurs non accompagnés voyageant en direction du Royaume-Uni. Nous prenons comme cas concret la situation à Zeebrugge, l'un des principaux ports belges. Nous avons analysé 1 093 fichiers de données concernant des mineurs non accompagnés interceptés à Zeebrugge, et nous sommes livrés à une observation participative au poste de police du port. Les mineurs non accompagnés inter-ceptés sont pour la plupart des garçons âgés de quinze à dix-huit ans originaires d'un pays d'Asie ou d'Europe orientale. Sur les 899 personnes trouvées dans les fichiers, 113 ont été interceptées plusieurs fois. Après l'interception, les Ser-vices de l'immigration donnent à la majorité de ces garçons un document d'identité sans obligation de quitter la Belgique, alors que 15,3 pour cent d'entre eux doivent quitter le pays, soit immédiatement soit dans les cinq jours. Dans 82,9 pour cent des cas, un agent de protection de l'enfance est contacté pour prendre une décision quant à la situation. Dans 67,2 pour cent de ces cas, aucune mesure de protection de l'enfant n'est prise et le mineur peut quitter le poste de police. Dans 32 pour cent des cas, le mineur est transféré dans un centre, un lieu d'accueil pour les situations de crise. Presque tous les mineurs non accompagnés sont convaincus de vouloir se rendre au Royaume-Uni pour y gagner leur vie, retrouver un membre de leur famille ou échapper à une situation politique difficile. Pourtant, la plupart de ces mineurs voyagent dans des circonstances difficiles. Ils ont peur. Ils n'ont pas les informations essentielles sur la vie au Royaume-Uni, sur les possibilités qui existent pour eux en Belgique, sur ce qui se passera s'ils sont transférés dans un centre. Beaucoup , mais pas tous , disparaissent de ces centres. Cette étude a diverses implications concernant le genre de décisions que pren-nent les autorités juridiques, les nécessaires soins physiques et psychosociaux pendant l'interception ainsi que la présence d'un interprète et d'un travailleur social, le nombre de places et les soins dans les centres d'accueil, les tâches de la personne qui a la responsabilité légale du mineur. Enfin, certaines limites de cette étude sont évoquées. CON MIRAS A UN MEJOR FUTURO: BÉLGICA COMO PAÍS DE TRÁNSITO DE LA TRATA Y EL TRÁFICO DE MENORES NO ACOMPAÑADOS Durante la última década, los cruces fronterizos irregulares se han convertido en un nuevo elemento de las corrientes migratorias internacionales, siendo un componente esencial de ellas las redes de tráfico y trata de personas. Son muchas las personas que se ven obligadas a recurrir a estas redes para hacer realidad su sueño de una vida mejor y para muchos "la tierra prometida" es el Reino Unido. Bélgica tiene importantes conexiones marítimas con el Reino Unido y, por consi-guiente, es una zona de tránsito de la migración sumamente importante, aunque muchos migrantes son interceptados en territorio belga en su intento por llegar al Reino Unido. Entre las personas interceptadas se encuentran niños y adoles-centes, menores de edad que viajan solos, sin sus padres o tutor legal. Este estudio tiene por objeto comprender cómo esta población de menores no acom-pañados viaja al Reino Unido. Con ese fin, se recurre a un estudio por casos examinando la situación en Zeebrugge, uno de los principales puertos de Bélgica. Se han analizado 1.093 expedientes de menores no acompañados, interceptados en Zeebrugge, y se ha realizado una observación participativa en la estación de policía naval. Los menores no acompañados interceptados eran principalmente varones, entre 15 y 18 años de edad, provenientes de Asia y Europa oriental. De las 899 personas no acompañadas encontradas en los expedientes, 113 habían sido interceptadas varias veces. Tras la intercepción, el Servicio de Inmigración otorga a la mayoría un documento de identidad (82,9 por ciento) sin obligarles a abandonar Bélgica, mientras que el 15,3 por ciento debe salir inmediatamente de Bélgica, o bien en un plazo máximo de cinco días. En el 82,9 por ciento de los casos, se establece contacto con un oficial de la protección de la infancia para que decida en cuanto a la situación del menor. En el 67,2 por ciento de estos casos, no se adopta ninguna medida de protección del menor y éste puede abandonar la estación de policía; y en el 32 por ciento de los casos, se transfiere al menor a un centro de recepción que se ocupa de casos críticos. Prácticamente todos los menores no acompañados tienen la certeza de que llegarán al Reino Unido para tener una mejor vida, reunirse con un familiar, o escapar de la difícil situación política. No obstante, la mayoría viaja en condiciones difí-ciles, tiene miedo y carece de información esencial sobre la vida en el Reino Unido, sobre sus posibilidades en Bélgica, y sobre lo que ocurrirá si son trans-feridos a un centro, etc. La mayoría de estos menores no quiere ser transferida a un centro y muchos, aunque no todos, se escapan de los mismos. Este estudio repercutirá, sin lugar a dudas, en las decisiones que adoptan las autoridades jurídicas, en la atención física y sicosocial necesarias, en la disponi-bilidad de un intérprete o trabajador social durante la intercepción, así como en el número de plazas de acogida y de atención en estos centros, y en las tareas que incumben a todo tutor legal. Finalmente, se enumeran algunas de las limitaciones de este estudio. [source] European Regional Structural Funds: How Large is the Influence of Politics on the Allocation Process?JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 3 2010FLORENCE BOUVET The allocation of Structural Funds, the most important component of the European Union (EU) cohesion policy, is subject to intense bargaining between national governments and across layers of political governance. Using Structural Funds data for each cohesion objective over 1989,99, we examine which variables, economic and political, determine the actual funds allocation. We test our hypotheses with a Tobit model that accounts for the two-stage allocation process and our limited dependent variables. Our results indicate that economic criteria are not the only determinants of funds allocation. Indeed, we find that the political situation within a country and a region and the relations between various layers of governance influence the allocation process. This article is also the only study to measure the impact of additional funds provided by the region or the country itself, and to differentiate the analysis by cohesion objective. [source] The Socioeconomic Implications of Dollarization in El SalvadorLATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 3 2004Marcia Towers ABSTRACT This study argues that the costs associated with El Salvador's dollarization clearly outweigh the benefits and that the decision to dollarize was prompted not only by the need to promote economic growth, but also by the impluse to serve the interests of the financial sector and the large entrepreneurs who control the ruling ARENA party. Although the policy facilitates investment and international financial transactions, it has a negative effect on the poor by increasing inequality. To develop this argument, the authors discuss the socioeconomic and political situation in El Salvador at the time of dollarization, examine the Law of Monetary Integration, and analyze die effect of the dollarization policy on the poor. [source] Mental health issues of peacekeeping workersPSYCHIATRY AND CLINICAL NEUROSCIENCES, Issue 5 2002JUN SHIGEMURA Abstract The end of the Cold War has brought a dramatic change to the international political situation and the role of the United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKO) has drawn increased attention. While many reports on PKO have focused on political or sociologic considerations, the mental health of the peacekeepers themselves has received little attention and psychiatric problems that can have a negative impact on mission success have been largely ignored. Participation in PKO creates a number of stressors and serious psychiatric and/or physical disorders may result. Yet, there is little research on this topic, either domestically or globally, and the methodology for clinical intervention remains in an early stage of development. We have reviewed previous reports to determine how various stressors before, during and after deployment affect the participants. Research in associated fields (e.g. crisis workers and military personnel) are also reviewed and their application to peacekeeping psychiatry is discussed. It must be admitted that the significance of PKO is arguable and each PKO is unique in terms of the nature of its mission and the local situation. Yet, the relationship between the psychiatric status of the personnel and the characteristics of an individual mission has never been studied. At present, no clear consensus regarding a framework for psychiatric intervention exists. Studies that enhance the recognition and significance of peacekeeping psychiatry are likely to improve the efficacy of PKO. [source] THE NEW ZEALAND PRESS ASSOCIATION 1880,2006: THE RISE AND FALL OF A CO-OPERATIVE MODEL FOR NEWS GATHERINGAUSTRALIAN ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 1 2008Article first published online: 6 FEB 200, Grant Hannis co-operatives; monopoly; New Zealand; news media; transaction costs The establishment of New Zealand's press agency, the New Zealand Press Association (NZPA), as a co-operative news gathering agency in 1880 has traditionally been regarded as reflecting a pioneering spirit of newspaper unity or as being largely determined by the political situation of the time. But these explanations are insufficient. Applying economic and organisational theories of co-operatives to the history of NZPA, this paper reveals it was market conditions that led to the creation of NZPA as a co-operative news gathering service. Following profound changes in those market conditions, NZPA recently abandoned this co-operative news gathering model. [source] The 1934 Southern Railway Strike in PeruBULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 1 2004Paulo Drinot This article examines the 1934 Southern Railway Strike, a largely neglected yet important episode in Peruvian labour history. The strike, which pitted the British-owned Peruvian Corporation against its workforce, resulted in victory for the company. Drawing on a variety of original primary sources, I examine the factors that shaped the development and outcome of the strike. I pay particular attention to the strategies developed by the company managers to defeat the workers. The success of these strategies, I suggest, owed in no small measure to the volatile political situation created by the insurgency tactics of APRA and the Communist Party, which made victory for the workers politically impossible, and to the capacity of the Peruvian Corporation managers to draw on ,imperial connections' in their dealings with the Peruvian government. [source] CLYTAIMESTRA'S NEGATIVES AND THE FINAL LINE OF AGAMEMNONBULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES, Issue 1 2004Article first published online: 12 MAR 2010, JOHN LAVERY Various supplements have been proposed. The paper restates the problems with the solutions available to date, and on the basis of the dramatic context, the structure of Clytaimestra's speeches in this section of the play and external evidence for Greek political vocabulary relevant to the political situation in Argos after the murder of Agamemnon offers new readings. [source] Reconstructing the past in medieval IcelandEARLY MEDIEVAL EUROPE, Issue 3 2006Chris Callow Locating and dating sagas is a difficult but still important task. This paper examines the relationship between the Sagas of Icelanders, which are concerned with tenth- and eleventh-century events, and the contemporary sagas of the mid-thirteenth century. Drawing upon models from anthropology, it looks at how contemporary ideas permeated these historicizing texts and how genealogy and geography act as structures around which the past is remembered. The many political relationships which occur in Laxdæla saga are analysed in relation to those from contemporary sagas from the same area of western Iceland. Since it appears that there is relatively little in common between the political situations depicted in Laxdæla saga and those portrayed in the contemporary sagas, it is likely that Laxdæla saga and the contemporary sagas were actually written down in different periods. It is possible, therefore, that the Sagas of Icelanders give us a view of the past which originates earlier than is usually suggested. [source] | ||||||||||