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Political Relations (political + relation)
Selected AbstractsThe use and abuse of hostages in later Anglo-Saxon EnglandEARLY MEDIEVAL EUROPE, Issue 3 2006Ryan Lavelle This paper explores the use of hostages in political relations in Anglo-Saxon England, often between different ethnic groups. Although much of the evidence relates to the ninth century when hostages were used as a means of guaranteeing the peace agreements made between King Alfred and his Viking adversaries, consideration will be given here to the use of hostages in the broader context of the late Anglo-Saxon period. The paper discusses whether the significance of these arrangements lay in their projection of imperial power or in their practicality as a crude political tool whose effectiveness in maintaining an agreement lay in a tangible threat. Both of these aspects of Anglo-Saxon hostageship are examined, especially with regard to peacemaking, the extent to which it could be successful, and why. [source] Nation to Nation: Defining New Structures of Development in Northern QuebecECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY, Issue 4 2004Caroline Desbiens Abstract: In February 2002, the Crees of Quebec and the Quebec government signed a new agreement that was designed to implement new structures of economic development in northern Quebec. The document, known as "La Paix des Braves" (Peace of the Braves), was characterized as a "nation-to-nation" agreement and promises greater participation by the Crees in the management and exploitation of natural resources on the territory. Starting from the premise that the Crees and the Québécois do not simply compete for the resources of James Bay but can be said to define and firm up the boundaries of their respective nation in and through the use of these resources, this article explores the close intertwining of colonialism, culture, and the economy in James Bay, as well as its potential impact on the new agreement. First, it analyzes how the Crees and the Québécois have articulated nationhood in relation to land and resources, particularly over the past three decades. Second, it examines how these discourses are informed by a third national scale, that of Canada. The intersection among nature, nation, and economic development in northern Quebec is a key example of how resources are embedded in complex national geographies that are shaped across a broad historical span. Although sustainability is often defined in terms of the needs of future generations, this article calls for greater attention to past colonial and political relations in defining structures of development that ensure the renewal of resources. [source] The role of mercantilism in Anglo-Dutch political relations, 1650,74ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 3 2010GIJS ROMMELSE The three Anglo-Dutch wars of the seventeenth century are traditionally seen as mercantile confrontations. This view has been challenged by political historians. Firstly, this article discusses the historiographic developments in this field. Secondly, it aims to explore the relationship between Anglo-Dutch mercantile competition and political and diplomatic relations in the period 1650 to 1674. It favours an integrated approach in which all these dimensions are taken into account. The article argues that the 1667 Peace Treaty of Breda was a major turning point in Anglo-Dutch relations after which mercantilism ceased to dominate Anglo-Dutch political relations. [source] Political Accommodation and Functional Interaction along the Northern Italian BorderlandsGEOGRAFISKA ANNALER SERIES B: HUMAN GEOGRAPHY, Issue 3 2001David H. Kaplan Borderlands are places where large,scale and small,scale politics interact. Relationships between national states at the largescale affect local relations at the smallscale. Likewise, activities at the small,scale redound to the larger scale. While the politics of boundaries and borderland regions is often viewed at the scale of the national states, we argue that politics at the borderland needs to be examined in two other ways: in terms of relations between regions across national boundaries (small,scale) and in the relations between the borderland region itself and the national state (cross,scale). This article examines the nature of ,cross,scale' and "small,scale" political relations in the northern Italian borderlands. This is explored through (1) the degree of autonomy granted by the Italian government towards regions and cultural minorities on the border, and (2) the nature and extent of contacts and shared projects with neighboring regions across the boundary. Two conclusions are drawn. First, that the nature of cross,scale concessions to regional autonomy depends on the strength of the minority groups involved. Second, that the extent of small,scale contact and collaboration across the boundary depends on pre,existing economic interrelationships and cultural ties. [source] New slavery, old binaries: human trafficking and the borders of ,freedom'GLOBAL NETWORKS, Issue 2 2010JULIA O'CONNELL DAVIDSON Abstract This article explores dominant discourse on ,trafficking as modern slavery' in relation to the many legal and social fetters that have historically been and are today imposed upon individuals who are socially imagined as ,free'. It argues that discourse on ,trafficking as modern slavery' revitalizes the liberal understandings of freedom and restriction that have historically allowed vigorous moral condemnation of slavery to coexist with the continued imposition of extensive, forcible restrictions on individuals deemed to be ,free'. In place of efforts to build political alliances between different groups of migrants, as well as between migrants and non-migrants, who share a common interest in transforming existing social and political relations, ,trafficking as modern slavery' discourse inspires and legitimates efforts to divide a small number of ,deserving victims' from the masses that remain ,undeserving' of rights and freedoms. [source] Race as stigma: positioning the stigmatized as agents, not objectsJOURNAL OF COMMUNITY & APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2006Caroline Howarth Abstract Using material from three qualitative studies into the social and psychological consequences of racism, this paper explores the insights gained from conceptualizing race as stigma. Not only does this shed light on the construction and contestation of racism in the lives of the research participants, the material presented raises important issues for a social psychology of stigma more generally. These include an assessment of the embodiment of stigma, the ideological construction of stigma within particular histories, the impact of stigma on identity and the ways in which we collectively contest and resist stigma. While acknowledging how stigma, particularly the stigma of race, acts to deny humanity, agency and liberty, I illustrate how stigma is collectively constructed, institutionalized and resisted in social and political relations. I conclude that a crucial part of the psychology of stigma must be a focus on the possibilities for communities to contest and transform representations and practices that stigmatize; that is, we need to explore the possibilities and conditions for stigmatized communities as agents and not (only) as objects or victims of stigma. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Law, Patriarchies, and State Formation in England and Post-Colonial Hong KongJOURNAL OF LAW AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2001Carol A. G. Jones The rise of the modern state is often associated with the demise of particularistic ties and authoritarian patriarchy. Classically, particularism gives way to universalism, patronage, hierarchy, and deference to the ,equalities' of contract. But history is not a one-way street nor is patriarchy all of one kind. Society's legal arrangements, structure, custom, power, affect, and sex swing back and forth between values of distance, deference, and patronage and those stressing greater egalitarianism in personal and political relations. Though they vary in type, patriarchy and particularism as cultural systems do not disappear but ebb, flow, and are revived, their oscillation driven by particular economic goals and political insecurities. [source] Democracy and decentralisation: local politics, marginalisation and political accountability in Uganda and South AfricaPUBLIC ADMINISTRATION & DEVELOPMENT, Issue 4 2006Carol L. Dauda Abstract While democratic decentralisation is viewed as an important vehicle for development in sub-Saharan Africa, its viability in practice is often doubted. Lack of resources, expertise, marginalised populations and the inexperience of local electors are all barriers to successful decentralisation. However, often overlooked are the diverse ways in which local people use the opportunities provided by democratic decentralisation to engage local authorities and demand accountability. Using examples from Uganda and South Africa,1 this article demonstrates how local people use democratic openings to meet the challenges of marginalisation and demand accountability. While the data is from the mid to late 1990s, the evidence presented here is relevant to the continuing debate over democratic decentralisation for it reveals something that is not always recognised: lack of resources is not necessarily the problem; developing political capacity for demanding accountability for existing resources is what is important. The implication is that for decentralisation to be effective, practitioners must develop a better understanding of local political engagement so that their efforts may strengthen rather than thwart emerging political relations of accountability. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Michelangelo's Leda: the diplomatic contextRENAISSANCE STUDIES, Issue 4 2001WE Wallace In 1529, Alfonso d'Este of Ferrara commissioned a work from Michelangelo; the artist painted the famous Leda but the picture was sent to France, not Ferrara. Why did Michelangelo make the painting , when he claimed to be no painter , and why did the patron never receive his picture? These vexing questions lead us to consider the intrigue and conflicting loyalties that characterized Florentine-Ferrarese political relations. The author examines the extensive diplomatic correspondence between Ferrara and Florence, and argues that the Leda was a diplomatic gift and a painting of calculated dynastic flattery intended to elicit Alfonsols desperately needed support during Florence's Last Republic (1527,30). [source] LÉVI-STRAUSS AND THE POLITICAL: THE ELEMENTARY STRUCTURES OF KINSHIP AND THE RESOLUTION OF RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND SETTLER STATESTHE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, Issue 3 2005Michael Asch This article addresses the contribution of Lévi-Strauss's The elementary structures of kinship to resolving political relations between indigenous peoples and the settler states. To this end, it explores his discussion of the origins of society within the context of Enlightenment-inspired political thought and concludes that he provides a unique, counter-hegemonic alternative to conventional narratives. It then shows how this argument thwarts the presumption in Canadian jurisprudence that indigenous peoples were automatically incorporated into the state through European settlement, and fosters an understanding that a relationship based on the concept of ,Treaty' as understood in indigenous political thought promotes a political relationship that affirms the integrity of all parties. [source] Conducting fieldwork with Tarieng communities in southern Laos: Negotiating discursive spaces between neoliberal dogmas and Lao socialist ideologyASIA PACIFIC VIEWPOINT, Issue 2 2010Steeve Daviau Abstract Based on research with ethnic minorities in Laos aimed at understanding how they cope with and negotiate political and economic ,double domination', this article examines the experiences of prolonged fieldwork in a remote Tarieng area in the Annam Range, southern Laos. After briefly reviewing Lao ethnographical policy and practice regarding ethnic minorities, I introduce the Tarieng people. I detail how I initially gained access to these local communities via long-term engagement with a range of development project initiatives. Then, after eight years of conducting such fieldwork in a Tarieng area ,below the radar of the state', I managed to obtain official authorisations to continue research as a graduate student. In this new position, I accessed the field via different negotiations with central, provincial and local official bureaucracies. After detailing this process, back in the field I reveal my strategies to create a discursive space that has allowed me to access dissident Tarieng voices and agency. Finally, I highlight four central elements that have continued to shape my field research: language proficiency, working with research assistants, awareness of political relations and cultural sensitivity, and ethical concerns. These have emerged while the possibilities and constraints of political engagement with the Tarieng people are explored. [source] | ||||||||||