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Political Rationality (political + rationality)
Selected AbstractsDeterminants of Performance Measurement: An Investigation into the Decision to Conduct Citizen SurveysPUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW, Issue 5 2008Esteban G. Dalehite This article develops and tests a comprehensive framework explaining the decision to measure performance, specifically the decision of local governments to conduct citizen surveys. It is structured around a fundamental distinction between subjective performance measures obtained for use in decision making and those that are produced solely for their symbolic value. The author suggests that the field of public administration may be taking a simplified view concerning the promotion and adoption of citizen surveys, overlooking important aspects of the decision-making process of performance-oriented public managers and neglecting the impact of politics and symbols. Political rationality may undercut managerial rationality in the decision to adopt citizen surveys, and symbolic adoption may be the underlying cause of low levels of information use. This study identifies policies to increase adoption of citizen surveys but cautions that simply promoting the adoption of surveys as inherently good may be a naive and wasteful course of action. Practitioners who have already made the decision to measure subjective performance through citizen surveys, or are facing such a decision, can find in this analysis a structure to assess past decisions or guide future decisions. [source] Colonial Governmentality and the Public Sphere in IndiaJOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2002U Kalpagam Colonial governmentality in India reconstituted the public sphere. New political rationalities that constituted modern governmental power and the liberal technologies of government effected a new conception of economy and society. Governmentality's governance of colonial conduct in an improving direction socialized native public opinion to question the legitimacy of the colonial covenant. As native opinion against colonial rule sharpened, colonial liberalism had often to make a volte-face of its liberal principle and was forced to suppress public opinion. Gandhi alone sought to overturn colonial governmentality and in doing so, provided a conception of public opinion that could transcend the limits of liberal reason. [source] The Gendered Violence of Development: Imaginative Geographies of Exclusion in the Imposition of Neo-liberal CapitalismBRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 2 2007Lara Coleman In this article I consider how gendered hierarchies are constitutive of neo-liberal development and the violence attendant upon it. Building on Arturo Escobar's observation that violence is constitutive of development, I explore how the violent imposition of neo-liberal development is legitimised through the inscription of gendered imaginative geographies, which define ,savage' spaces of exclusion in need of ,civilising' development interventions. Drawing on the example of contemporary Colombia, I trace how the development discourse produces space in this way by normalising certain identities and political rationalities,those associated with competition and rational economic behaviour,while representing others as errant, as hyper-masculine subjects prone to violence or ,pre-rational' feminised subjects. [source] After the Black Death: labour legislation and attitudes towards labour in late-medieval western EuropeECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 3 2007SAMUEL COHN The Black Death spurred monarchies and city-states across much of Western Europe to formulate new wage and price legislation. These legislative acts splintered in a multitude of directions that to date defy any obvious patterns of economic or political rationality. A comparison of labour laws in England, France, Provence, Aragon, Castile, the Low Countries, and the city-states of Italy shows that these laws did not flow logically from new post-plague demographics and economics,the realities of the supply and demand for labour. Instead, the new municipal and royal efforts to control labour and artisans' prices emerged from fears of the greed and supposed new powers of subaltern classes and are better understood in the contexts of anxiety that sprung forth from the Black Death's new horrors of mass mortality and destruction, resulting in social behaviour such as the flagellant movement and the persecution of Jews, Catalans, and beggars. [source] Immigration as Local Politics: Re-Bordering Immigration and Multiculturalism through Deterrence and IncapacitationINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2009LIETTE GILBERT Small town governments in North America have, in recent years, posed the most aggressive challenge to national immigration policy and multiculturalism. Immigration-related municipal ordinances were introduced by local officials to defend the rights of local residents from the adverse effects of (unauthorized) immigration. Municipal measures proposed to control im/migrants not only present a constitutional challenge to the federal pre-emption in matters of immigration law (which ineptitude they purport to redress), they expand on what Didier Bigo called a ,governmentality of unease', where migration is increasingly rationalized as a security problem. Municipal measures are re-bordering the inclusion/exclusion of (unauthorized) migrants by expanding the territorial and political rationality of immigration control from the border to the interior, and by imposing and dispersing new mechanisms of control into the everyday spaces and practices of im/migrants regarded as ,illegal' and undesirable. This article examines two immigration-related municipal measures (Hazleton, PA and Hérouxville, QC) which impose a logic of immigration control and identity protection through deterrence and incapacitation strategies, and thus erode civil rights of im/migrants. Résumé Certaines petites municipalités nord-américaines ont récemment bousculé les politiques d'immigration nationales et le multiculturalisme. Les autorités locales en question ont fait voter des arrêtés municipaux liés à l'immigration afin de défendre les droits de leurs concitoyens contre les perceptions néfastes de l'immigration (irrégulière). Tout en représentant un défi constitutionnel à l'égard de la préemption fédérale en matière de législation sur l'immigration (dont l'inadéquation est censée être corrigée), les propositions municipales de contrôler les (im)migrants prolongent ce que Didier Bigo a appelé une ,gouvernementalité du malaise' qui voit de plus en plus la migration comme un problème de sécurité. Les mesures municipales redessinent les limites de l'inclusion-exclusion des migrants (irréguliers) en amenant, de la frontière jusqu'à l'intérieur, la logique territoriale et politique propre au contrôle de l'immigration, tout en imposant et en diffusant de nouveaux mécanismes de contrôle dans les pratiques et espaces quotidiens des (im)migrants jugés ,illégaux' et indésirables. L'article étudie deux mesures municipales liées à l'immigration (à Hazleton en Pennsylvanie et à Hérouxville au Québec), lesquelles dictent une logique de contrôle de l'immigration et de protection identitaire au travers de stratégies de dissuasion et de création d'incapacités; ce faisant, ces dispositions amoindrissent les droits civils des (im)migrants. [source] Victoria's Unique Approach to Road Safety: A History of Government Regulation,AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 2 2009Glenn Jessop The Australian state of Victoria has a record of proactive and determined legislative action addressing road safety. Its processes and deliberations concerning the introduction of road safety laws serve as a noteworthy case study of political rationality and public policy development. Victoria has taken a unique and pioneering approach to traffic regulation. Using the seatbelt and handheld phone laws as examples, this article examines the political dynamics involved in, and the forms of political reasoning underpinning, the road safety policy decisions taken by Victorian governments. I argue that the different approaches taken by governments are partly due to the interaction of the political imperatives of state institutions imposing regulations for the public good and the protection of individual liberties. [source] | ||||||||||