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Political Programmes (political + programme)
Selected AbstractsTHIS IS NOT AMERICA: EMBEDDING THE COGNITIVE-CULTURAL URBAN ECONOMYGEOGRAFISKA ANNALER SERIES B: HUMAN GEOGRAPHY, Issue 2 2010Robert C. Kloosterman ABSTRACT. The aim of this article is to broaden the epistemological basis for investigating the current shift to cognitive-cultural economies and the resurgence of cities and its socio-spatial articulation. The point of departure here is that the drivers of the structural changes are indeed more or less ubiquitous, but are played out in different national institutional and urban contexts resulting in potentially diverging cognitive-cultural economies. Four main drivers of change after 1980 are distinguished. The first is the rise of a new technological paradigm based on digital technology. The second is the thrust towards deregulation and privatization as planks of the neo-liberal political programme. The third is the intensification of all kinds of linkages between regions across the globe. The fourth driver constitutes the processes of individualization and increasing reflexivity that have fragmented consumer markets. By identifying distinct filters which might shape and mould the impact of these more general drivers on concrete urban areas, a comprehensive framework is presented that can be used to analyse and compare the trajectories of cities while linking them to a larger narrative of societal change. A central line of reasoning is that agglomeration economies , pivotal in Allen Scott's analysis of the emergence of a cognitive-cultural economy , are themselves embedded in concrete social and institutional contexts which impact on how they are played out. To make this point, we build upon Richard Whitley's business systems. Given this institutional diversity, we expect that various institutional contexts will generate different cognitive-cultural economies. [source] Beyond the ,Awkward Embrace': Disability Rights, Dialogue and ,Law, Love and Language' RevisitedNEW BLACKFRIARS, Issue 1029 2009Nick O'Brien Abstract Despite the perceived ,human rights revolution' within Church teaching since Vatican II, a measure of dissonance survives between secular rights theory and practice on the one hand and, on the other, ethical thinking informed by the natural law tradition. This article examines some recent developments in that secular theory and practice for signs of possible rapprochement. In particular, it considers the way in which the emergence of ,disability' as a rights issue, for example in the recently ratified United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, has contributed to the transformation of equality and human rights law and so has helped shape a broader transformation of rights theory and practice. Central to that transformation has been the ambition of establishing human rights as the basis of a progressive political programme, as witnessed for example by the work of Sandra Fredman and by the Hamlyn Lectures of Conor Gearty, whose Catholic provenance makes his approach especially salient. The article concludes by considering Herbert McCabe's interpretation of Aquinas' ethics, especially in his Law, Love and Language, and proposes some potentially fruitful points of contact between McCabe's approach and the identified developments in secular rights theory. [source] The Politics of Violent Opposition in Collapsing StatesGOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 2 2005William Reno In violent conflicts in places like Congo, Liberia and Sierra Leone, economic interests have crowded out ideologically articulate mass-based social movements for reform or revolutionary change to a degree that was not apparent during earlier anti-colonial struggles. Some scholars offer a ,looting model' of rebellion that explains the predations of politicians and warlords but it is not clear why people who receive few benefits from this , or even suffer great harm from them , fail to support ideologues instead, or why self-interested violent entrepreneurs do not offer political programmes to attract more followers. Yet some groups defy this ,looting model'. Explaining why armed groups vary so greatly in their behaviour provides a means to address important questions: is it possible to construct public authorities out of collapsed states in the twenty-first century, or do local predations and global conditions preclude indigenous state-building in these places? Why do social movements for reform there seem so ineffective? What conditions have to be present for them to succeed? This article considers the nature of rebellion in failing states, focusing on Nigeria to find clues to explain variations in the organization of armed groups. [source] Service provision for elderly depressed persons and political and professional awareness for this subject: a comparison of six European countriesINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF GERIATRIC PSYCHIATRY, Issue 5 2003Anke Bramesfeld Abstract Objective Under-treatment of depression in late-life is a subject of rising public health concern throughout Europe. This study investigates and compares the availability of services for depressed elderly persons in Denmark, France, Germany, Sweden, Switzerland and the UK. Additionally, it explores factors that might contribute to an adequate services supply for depressed elderly people. Method Review of the literature and guide supported expert interviews. Analysis of the practice of care provision for depressed elderly persons and of indicators for political and professional awareness, such as university chairs, certification processes and political programmes in gerontopsychiatry. Results Only Switzerland and the UK offer countrywide community-oriented services for depressed elderly persons. Clinical experience in treating depression in late-life is not regularly acquired in the vocational training of the concerned professionals. Indicators suggest that the ,medical society' and health politics in Switzerland and the UK regard psychiatric disease in the elderly more importantly than it is the case in the other investigated countries. Conclusions Service provision for depressed elderly persons seems to be more elaborated and better available in countries where gerontopsychiatry is institutionalised to a greater extend in the ,medical society' and health politics. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Constitutional responses to extremist political associations ,ETA, Batasuna and democratic normsLEGAL STUDIES, Issue 1 2008Ian Cram Systems of representative democracy require that the electorate be given at regular intervals the opportunity to replace the party in government with a rival political association. In this context, the right of individuals to freedom of association permits the formation of competitor parties and prevents forms of state intervention that might otherwise privilege existing office holders and their political programmes. It follows then that restrictions on the right to political association are deserving of particularly close scrutiny. At the same time, liberal democratic constitutions usually insist that participants in electoral process manifest a level of commitment to core liberal democratic norms (such as the rule of law, toleration, the equal worth of each individual and the peaceful resolution of grievances). In the case of intolerant, extremist parties that would reject some/most of these norms, the state may invoke a range of defensive measures up to and including proscription in order to safeguard democracy. This paper takes as its focus the constitutional issues raised by the banning in Spain of Batasuna , the political wing of ETA. A legal challenge to the ban is currently before the European Court of Human Rights. Making reference to work of John Rawls, this paper considers whether the ban on Batasuna is justifiable in terms of liberal political theory, before analysing the extent to which proscription conforms to international human rights law and European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence. [source] | ||||||||||