Home About us Contact
|
Home About us Contact | ||
|
|
||
Political Principles (political + principle)
Selected AbstractsApplied Ethics: Naturalism, Normativity and Public PolicyJOURNAL OF APPLIED PHILOSOPHY, Issue 3 2009ONORA O'NEILL abstract,Normative argument is supposed to guide ways in which we might change the world, rather than to fit the world as it is. This poses certain difficulties for the notion of applied ethics. Taken literally the phrase ,applied ethics' suggests that principles or standards with substantial philosophical justification, in particular ethical and political principles with such justification, are applied to particular cases and guide action. However, the ,cases' which applied ethics discusses are themselves indeterminate, and the relation of principles to these ,cases' differs from the relation of principles to cases in naturalistic, truth-oriented inquiry. Writing in ,applied ethics', I shall argue, does not need elaborate case histories or scenarios, since the testing points for normative principles are other normative principles rather than particular cases. Normative principles and contexts to which they are applicable are indeed needed for any reasoning that is practical, but they are not sufficient. Practical ethics needs principles that can not merely be applied in certain cases or situations, but also enacted in certain ways, and requires an account of practical judgement and of the public policies that support that judgement. [source] Time to Keep Going: The Role and Structure of U.S. Forces in a Unified KoreaPACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 1 2003Il-Young Kim This year Korea and the U.S. celebrate 50 years of their alliance, which has seen many ups and downs since it came into existence. Today a very intense debate is going on in the USA and Korea about the future role of the U.S. in both the re-unification process and a post-unified Korea. Anti-Americanism is on the rise in South Korea, and demand for withdrawal of American forces is gaining ground in Korean society. An American withdrawal from Korea, however, would be very destabilizing for Korea and the whole of the East Asian region. Since the Korean war, the factors that have made it possible for South Korea, and other countries in the region, to economically prosper are the combination of sound economic polices and hard work by the peoples of these countries, and of the U.S. policies of reopening international markets to the countries of the region. While the presence of the U.S. forces in a post-unified Korea would be a positive factor, the actual structure of these forces would depend on the ground realities and threat perceptions at that time. It would be determined by complex issues of peace and stability inside Korea, its economic situation, and the external situation outside Korea's borders, including Korea's threat perceptions from China. Despite great improvements in technology in the Naval and Air forces, almost all military contingencies still require the use of ground forces to fight or to deter wars. Thus even if U.S. air and naval forces remained stationed in Korea, the absence of the U.S. ground forces would seriously undermine the deterrent and fighting power of the United States in the country and the region as whole. Given the terrain of the Korean peninsula, any possible future military conflict involving Korea would almost certainly be won or lost on land. Accordingly, infantrymen and tanks must remain an essential component of the American forces in Korea. What is more, dependence on air and naval forces for the protection of Korea would weaken traditional alliances and deterrence as well as American support for the very values and political principles that make other countries respect and trust the United States. [source] Citizenship and The StatePHILOSOPHY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 6 2009M. Victoria Costa This study surveys debates on citizenship, the state, and the bases of political stability. The survey begins by presenting the primary sense of ,citizenship' as a legal status and the question of the sorts of political communities people can belong to as citizens. (Multi)nation-states are suggested as the main site of citizenship in the contemporary world, without ignoring the existence of alternative possibilities. Turning to discussions of citizen identity, the study shows that some of the discussion is motivated by a perceived need for citizens to have a sense of political belonging, on the assumption that such a sense promotes political activity and has other personal and social benefits. But there are serious problems with the strategy of understanding the relevant sense of belonging in terms of identification with the nation-state. The study explores a more promising way to generate this sense of belonging. First, societies should function, to a sufficiently high degree, in accord with political principles of justice and democratic decision making. Second, there should be a general consensus on political principles among citizens, as well as high levels of engagement in democratic deliberation. [source] Moderate Secularism and Multicultural EqualityPOLITICS, Issue 3 2008Sune Lęgaard Tariq Modood argues that European states are only ,moderately secular' and that this kind of secularism is compatible with public accommodation of religious groups and provides a model of Muslim integration appropriate for European states. Although attention to the fact of moderate secularism provides a response to a prominent argument against multicultural accommodation of religious minorities, what is really at stake in discussions of multiculturalism and secularism are political principles. Modood's case for accommodation of Muslims along the lines of moderate secularism presupposes a normative conception of equality, but his characterisation of multicultural equality is inadequate in several respects. [source] | ||||||||||