Home About us Contact
|
Home About us Contact | ||
|
|
||
Political Power (political + power)
Selected AbstractsPUBLIC MEMORY AND POLITICAL POWER IN GUATEMALA'S POSTCONFLICT LANDSCAPEGEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW, Issue 4 2003MICHAEL K. STEINBERG ABSTRACT. Landscape interpretation, or "reading" the landscape, is one of cultural geography's standard practices. Relatively little attention, however, has been paid to reading landscapes transformed by insurgency movements or civil wars. Those landscapes can tell us a great deal about past and present political and social relationships as well as continuing power struggles. Guatemala presents a complicated postwar landscape "text" in which the struggle for power continues by many means and media, including how the war is portrayed on memorials, and in which the Catholic Church and the military/state are the two main competing powers. This essay explores some of the images and the text presented in Guatemala's postconflict landscape through contrasting landmarks and memorials associated with the country's thirty-six-year-long civil war that formally ended in 1996. [source] Max Weber on Democracy: Can the People Have Political Power in Modern States?CONSTELLATIONS: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CRITICAL AND DEMOCRATIC THEORY, Issue 1 2008Tamsin Shaw First page of article [source] American Business and Political Power: Public Opinion, Elections and Democracy; Stuck in Neutral: Business and the Politics of Human Capital investment; Does Business Learn?JOURNAL OF POLICY ANALYSIS AND MANAGEMENT, Issue 4 2001Graham K. Wilson [source] Institutional Change and the Social Sources of American Economic Empire: Beyond Stylised FactsPOLITICAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2007Leonard Seabrooke The three volumes commented on here present some of the very best political economy and economic sociology scholarship on change within the US economy, as well as US-led changes in the international political economy. This review article seeks to identify the key contributions made by these works and how they improve our understanding of institutional change within the US economy. At a time when international relations and political science is populated by critiques of US empire, this article submits that understanding the ,economic taproot' of US power is essential in exposing its enduring character and weaknesses. Gourevitch, P. A. and Shinn, J. J. (2005) Political Power and Corporate Control: The New Global Politics of Corporate Governance. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press. Sinclair, T. J. (2005) The New Masters of Capital: American Bond Rating Agencies and the Politics of Creditworthiness. Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press. Whitford, J. (2005) The New Old Economy: Networks, Institutions, and the Organizational Transformation of American Manufacturing. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [source] Early Socio-political and Environmental Consequences of the Prestige Oil Spill in GaliciaDISASTERS, Issue 3 2003J.D. García Pérez The controversial form in which the oil industry is run has once more caused a huge disaster , this one affecting the Galician coastal environment and economy. Oil-spill clean-up operations have been managed in Europe with some success but with considerable economic, environmental and social costs. The oil industry often avoids fully or even partially compensating those affected. The lack of both political will and political power has let the culprit (the oil industry) off the hook. This paper considers the spill of the Prestige to assess whether the balance of power between affected people and the oil industry can be changed. The paper examines the growing awareness of environmental issues among ordinary people in Spain, through the massive involvement of volunteers concerned with the damage done to the environment and to the livelihoods of fishing communities in Galicia. To understand these growing public concerns and the strength of opinion, the paper examines the details of the decisions taken by the central Spanish and local governments and the way these have informed the clean-up operations, the character of the oil companies involved and the feeling of impotence in the face of such disasters. The conclusion here is that the operations of the oil industry should be tightly regulated through EU legislation, and that this can come about as a result of organised political pressure from those affected by the oil spill, from the mass of volunteers, as well as from public opinion at large. [source] Mastering Complaint: Michael Drayton's Peirs Gaveston and the Royal Mistress ComplaintsENGLISH LITERARY RENAISSANCE, Issue 3 2008Kelly Quinn Michael Drayton's poem Peirs Gaveston tells the story of Edward II's doomed lover and is modeled closely on the royal mistress complaint poems of the 1590s, and reading the poem through the genre is illuminating. The poem differs from its models significantly, however, in that the royal "mistress" of Drayton's poem is male. This difference signifies politically, and the poem demonstrates the dangerous power of male royal consorts who translate their erotic sway into active political power. Pointed parallels with the royal mistress complaint poems accentuate the consequences for rulers in taking male lovers, and Drayton makes connections between Gaveston's use of the penetrative sexual position with his increasing political power and authority over Edward II. In distinction, the female royal mistress poems in fact tend to minimize the political power the historical women actually wielded; whereas their power is contained by the complaint poems, Gaveston's is magnified. Gaveston frames his relationship in the language of humanist friendship, but he uses the rhetoric of friendship and its mirroring imagery as part of his strategy for achieving first equality and then dominance over the King. For Drayton, the royal mistress complaint genre functions as both precursor and foil to Peirs Gaveston. (K.Q.) [source] Gender Quotas in Politics: The Greek System in the Light of EU LawEUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 1 2010Panos Kapotas Positive action is currently gaining momentum in the European anti-discrimination discourse and policy-making as a necessary and effective tool to achieve the goal of full and effective equality in employment. Gender quotas in politics, however, are thought to remain outside the normative scope of Community law, the dominant view being that candidature for elected public office does not constitute employment in the sense of the relevant provisions. This article seeks to examine the Greek quota system for women in politics in its dialectical relationship to the general equality discourse and with reference to the current normative framework in Europe. The aims are threefold: to assess the legality of positive action in favour of women in politics from the point of view of EU law, to evaluate the effectiveness of the Greek system in achieving its gender equality goals, and to identify the problems that quotas in politics may pose with regard to the principle of democratic representation. It will, thus, be argued that positive measures in politics, though generally compatible with the fundamental principles of justice and representative democracy, may nevertheless be inadequate,at least in their current form,to provide effective solutions to the unequal distribution of social and political power. [source] Fragments of Economic Accountability and Trade PolicyFOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS, Issue 2 2007RYAN KENNEDY While there has been a prodigious amount of literature on trade policy written in the past two decades, very little of that literature has dealt with countries in economic transition or nondemocratic regimes. There has also been a lack of work dealing with state interests in trade policy beyond realpolitik discussions of national security. This article seeks to fill some of these gaps through a study of two samples: one of liberalization in 25 post-Communist countries between the years 1991 and 1999 and the other of 124 countries from around the world in 1997. The study concludes that a key element in the choice between free trade and protectionism is the level of "fragmentation of economic accountability." Such fragmentation consists of two major components: (1) the existence of a strong capitalist class that is independent of the government; and (2) the dispersion of political power among actors both inside and outside the government. Where the government is more accountable to a wide range of interests, policies are more likely to be aligned with market mechanisms, encouraging the adoption of reforms, including the liberalization of trade policy. This article builds on the conclusions of Frye and Mansfield in several ways: (1) it embeds political fragmentation into a larger theoretical framework of economic accountability of government institutions; (2) it introduces the importance of state ownership in shaping government interests; (3) it introduces an idea of social, not just institutional, accountability; and (4) it proposes a statist view of trade policy that is lacking in the present literature. [source] Women in the Field: Women, Farming and OrganizationsGENDER, WORK & ORGANISATION, Issue 2 2001Sally Shortall One striking feature of farming as an occupation is that there are few women who farm in their own right. The passing of land from father to son means that women rarely own land. Their typical entry to farming is through marriage. Women's route of entry to farming affects interpersonal relationships within the family, and also women's role in the public space of farming. Women are under-represented in farming organizations, in training programmes, and in the politics of farming. This article focuses on the position of women within farming organizations and the interaction between (male) farming organizations and women's farming organizations. Farmers are an extremely well-organized occupation and wield considerable political power because of this effective organization. However, farming organizations are almost entirely male. This article examines how women are treated within farming organizations, and also the interaction between (male) farming organizations and women's farming organizations. Drawing on the theory of organizations, I argue that the inclusion of women in farming organizations and the existence of women's farming organizations reinforce gender divisions within agriculture and do not in any way question the understanding of men as farmers, or the political power they hold. [source] (RE)MAPPING INDIGENOUS ,RACE'/PLACE IN POSTCOLONIAL PENINSULAR MALAYSIA,GEOGRAFISKA ANNALER SERIES B: HUMAN GEOGRAPHY, Issue 3 2006Alice M. Nah ABSTRACT. This paper focuses on how indigeneity has been constructed, deployed and ruptured in postcolonial Malay(si)a. Prior to the independence of Malaya in 1957, British colonial administrators designated certain groups of inhabitants as being ,indigenous' to the land through European imaginings of ,race'. The majority, politically dominant Malays were deemed the definitive peoples of this geographical territory, and the terrain was naturalized as ,the Malay Peninsula'. Under the postcolonial government, British conceptions of the peninsula were retained; the Malays were given political power and recognition of their ,special (indigenous) position' in ways that Orang Asli minorities,also considered indigenous - were not. This uneven recognition is evident in current postcolonial political, economic, administrative and legal arrangements for Malays and Orang Asli. In recent years, Orang Asli advocates have been articulating their struggles over land rights by drawing upon transnational discourses concerning indigenous peoples. Recent judicial decisions concerning native title for the Orang Asli potentially disrupt ethno-nationalist assertions of the peninsula as belonging to the ,native' Malays. These contemporary contests in postcolonial identity formations unsettle hegemonic geopolitical ,race'/place narratives of Peninsular Malaysia. [source] THE SOVIET WAR MEMORIAL IN TREPTOW, BERLIN,GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW, Issue 2 2003PAUL STANGL ABSTRACT. The Soviet War Memorial in Treptow, Berlin, was an important emblem of political power and ideology during and after the cold war. Designed as the Soviet Union's premiere extraterritorial battlefield shrine, the site combines a veterans' cemetery with a large-scale memorial complex celebrating the Soviet victory in World War II. The monument was intended for use in Soviet military commemorative activity and became a key sacred space in the Cult of the Soviet War Dead, but its location in Berlin meant that it served other political purposes. By avoiding definitive statements on key issues the memorial attained a semantic flexibility that enabled it to remain a focal point of commemorative activity for decades. The memorial continues to play a part in contemporary Berlin, though the political overtones are now overshadowed by its role as a shrine to the war dead. [source] The Rule of Law in the Realm and the Province of New York: Prelude to the American RevolutionHISTORY, Issue 301 2006HERBERT A. JOHNSON British and American views of public law have diverged greatly over the past two hundred years. This article examines the evolution of New York's adherence to the rule of fundamental law and the use of colonial common law courts to protect the rights of New York subjects against the prerogative power of the crown. As a conquered province from 1664 to 1683, New York was denied a legislature. Thereafter the colonial legislative bodies were active in making unsuccessful attempts to claim their birthright as Englishmen. In England the Glorious Revolution represented a major step in the development of parliamentary supremacy. In New York, however, it facilitated an ethnic insurrection followed by the realization that English governmental policy mandated the denial of basic rights of Englishmen to colonial residents. The Glorious Revolution simply made it possible for parliament, as well as the crown, to regulate colonial affairs without any constitutional restrictions prior to 1774. In terms of constitutional dynamics in eighteenth-century England, continued imperial rule through an untrammelled royal prerogative substantially increased the political power and revenues of the crown. Failing to consider the impact of monarchial power in a growing empire, the 1688,9 Convention Parliament laid the foundation for an unbalanced British government in the middle of the eighteenth century. Deprived of patronage and extraordinary revenues at home, the monarchs turned to regulation of their empire and to reaping increased financial benefit. Both of these unintended consequences of the Glorious Revolution threatened parliamentary supremacy, even as parliament's new-found power began to undermine the rule of law in the empire. [source] More Difficult to Believe?INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY, Issue 1 2001Luther on Divine Omnipotence This article considers Luther's statement in thesis 21 of the 1545 doctoral disputation of Petrus Hegemon (1545) concerning the difficulty of belief in creatio ex nihilo, and suggests that this difficulty shapes the later Luther's theology in significant ways. The difficulty is reconstructed as a gradual movement into the mystery of the creatio ex nihilo. The first site of difficulty correlates the knowledge of creatures as particulars with the knowledge of the Creator as the source of existence. The move towards a second site is propelled by the question of inevitable death, which Luther answers by moving from material and natural generation to the resurrection and then to the creatio ex nihilo. At the third site, Luther addresses such disturbing questions as the suffering of the righteous, the historical cycle of political power, and the harshness of reprobation. He answers these questions by integrating the symmetrical biblical statements of the annihilatio and the creatio with a theological theory of divine omnipotence. God's hiddenness is understood as God's omnipotence working at the specific locations of self-negation, as well as behind the ebb and flow of historical-political contingency. Faith presses into the hidden mystery, grounded in the certainty that all things are effected by the Creator whose nature is self-giving goodness, and established by the hope that the light of glory will determine more fully the God who is to be honored above all. [source] Migrants, Settlers and Colonists: The Biopolitics of Displaced BodiesINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 5 2008Cristiana Bastos All through the nineteenth century, Madeirans migrated from their Atlantic island to places as remote as Hawaii, California, Guyana and, later, South Africa. Scarcity of land, a rigid social structure, periodic famines and rampant poverty made many embark to uncertain destinies and endure the harsh labour conditions of sugarcane plantations. In the 1880s, a few hundred Madeirans engaged in a different venture: an experience of "engineered migration" sponsored by the Portuguese government to colonize the southern Angola plateau. White settlements, together with military control, scientific surveys and expeditions, contributed to strengthen the claims of European nations over specific territories in Africa. At that time, the long lasting claims of Portugal over African territories were not matched by sponsored colonial settlements or precise geographic knowledge about the claimed lands. There was little else representing Portugal than the leftover structures of the slave trade, the penal colonies and the free-lance merchants that ventured inland. In fear of losing land to the neighbouring German, Boer and British groups in south-western Africa, the Portuguese government tried then to promote white settlements by attracting farmers from the mainland into the southern plateau of Angola. As very few responded to the call, the settlement consisted mostly of Madeiran islanders, who were eager to migrate anywhere and took the adventure of Angola as just another destiny out of the island where they could not make a living. Their bodies and actions in the new place became highly surveilled by the medical delegates in charge of assessing their adaptation. The reports document what were then the idealized biopolitics of migration and colonization, interweaving biomedical knowledge and political power over displaced bodies and colonized land. At the same time, those records document the frustrations of the administration about the difficulties of the settlement experience and the ways in which colonial delegates blamed their failure on the very subjects who enacted and suffered through it. The eugenicism and racialism that pervade those writings, a currency during the age of empire, may now be out of taste both in science and in politics; however, they are not fully out of sight, and the subtle entrance of social prejudice into the hard concepts of biomedical science is still with us. Learning from this example may help analysing contemporary processes of medicalizing diversity or pathologizing the mobile populations, or, in other words, the biopolitics of migration in the 21st century. [source] The Increasing Political Power of Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union in Israel: From Passive Citizenship to Active CitizenshipINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 1 2003Tamar Horowitz The immigrants in Israel from the Former Soviet Union (FSU) followed a different pattern of political growth than other immigrant groups. Their increased power began on the national level and moved down to the local level, rather than from the periphery toward the centre , the pattern followed by the Oriental Jewish immigrants. We can trace three stages in the development of their political power. The first stage was during the 1992 elections when the immigrants attempted to organize their own list. Though they failed, the results of the election strengthened them because they were given credit for the left's victory, giving them a sense of political effectiveness. The second stage came during the 1996 elections. It was a defining moment for the former Soviet immigrants' political power. In this stage external factors and internal factors reinforced each other. The change in the electoral system made it possible for the immigrants to vote for their community on the one hand and for a national figure on the other, thus resolving their identity dilemma. The local elections in 1998 marked the third stage in their political strength. They found the immigrant community better organized, with an improved understanding of its local interests, the capacity to put forward a strong local leadership, and a stronger link between the immigrant political centre and the local level. [source] The Impact of European Integration on Regional PowerJCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 4 2003Angela K. Bourne This article seeks to unravel ambiguity in analysis about the impact of European integration on sub-state regions' political power. In the literature there are arguments that integration empowers, disempowers and has no effect on regional power. In order to address this ambiguity and to contribute to theory-building, I develop a theoretical framework sensitive to multiple means by which integration can affect multiple sources of regional power, and apply it to the study of the Basque Country. The conclusion that European integration undermines Basque political power suggests that integration may, in some cases, be more a danger to, than a liberator of, regions. [source] The role of power in wellness, oppression, and liberation: the promise of psychopolitical validity,JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2008Isaac Prilleltensky The power to promote wellness, resist oppression, and foster liberation is grounded in psychological and political dynamics. Hitherto, these two sources of power have been treated in isolation, both for descriptive and prescriptive purposes. As a result, we lack an integrative theory that explains the role of power in promoting human welfare and preventing suffering, and we lack a framework for combining psychological and political power for the purpose of social change. In this article, the author puts forth a psychopolitical conceptualization of power, wellness, oppression, and liberation. Furthermore, he introduces the concept of psychopolitical validity, which is designed to help community psychologists to put power issues at the forefront of research and action. Two types of psychopolitical validity are introduced: type I,epistemic, and type II,transformative. Whereas the former demands that psychological and political power be incorporated into community psychology studies; the latter requires that interventions move beyond ameliorative efforts and towards structural change. © 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. [source] Pantelhó: History-Making and Identity in Highland ChiapasJOURNAL OF LATIN AMERICAN & CARIBBEAN ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 1 2002Pete Brown This article examines history-making, the creation and re-creation of history, in Pantelhó, Chiapas, Mexico, and the context and consequences of multiple histories for Indigenous and Ladino relations. For the past 200 years Indigenous and Ladino in Pantelho have struggled for land and political power. Throughout these struggles history-making has played an important role in the crafting of identin, mobilizing and unifying support, and legitimizing courses of action. It represents, in Antonio Gramsci's terms (1971), a war of position, a struggle for hegemony which participants have made into two fundamental conflicting positions,Ladino and Indigenous,based on a long history of exploitation and conflict. This article describes the dynamic of their history-making and opposition as played out in the local context and within the larger apparatus of government power in Mexico. [source] The Populist Chola: Cultural Mediation and the Political Imagination in Quillacollo, BoliviaJOURNAL OF LATIN AMERICAN & CARIBBEAN ANTHROPOLOGY, Issue 2 2000Robert Albro This argument situates the "image" of the popular woman in the emerging electoral context of Quillacollo, a Bolivian provincial capital. Even as "cholas" remain largely shut out from regional political power, their ubiquitous image culturally mediates political access to the popular sector for men. Hence authorities initiate token economic exchanges with cholas. both to participate intimately in the popular cultural milieu, and to solidify their claims to personal roots in this world. This argument examines the interrelated contexts of national structural adjustment, regional development, the domestic economy, agricultural fiestas, and sexual conduct, as these are "performed" within a regional folkloric calendar, that turn on the currency of the chola as a political "root metaphor." In turn, the role of the chola's image suggests limitations upon her status as historical actor. [source] Judicial Review of Politics: The Israeli CaseJOURNAL OF LAW AND SOCIETY, Issue 4 2002Daphne Barak In the tradition of studies questioning the impact of celebrated court rulings, this article discusses the effectiveness of the judicial review of politics conducted by the Israeli Supreme Court. The Israeli Supreme Court is generally viewed as a highly influential, almost omnipotent body. During the last two decades, the Court has intervened repeatedly in the so,called political domain, thereby progressively eroding the scope of realms considered non,justiciable. It has ventured to enter domains of ,pure' political power to review the legality of political agreements, political appointments (appointments of political allies to public positions), and political allocations (government funding to organizations affiliated with its political supporters). The prevalent perception is that these developments had a significant impact on Israeli political life. The present article challenges this view and argues that, on closer scrutiny, the influence of the Court on many of the issues reviewed here is negligible. First, many of the doctrines developed by the Court in order to review political measures proved ineffective. Usually, when the Supreme Court (acting as a High Court of Justice) engages in judicial review, it lacks the evidence needed in order to decide that administrative decisions on public appointments or public funding should be abolished because they were based on political or self,serving considerations. Second, the norms mandated by the Court hardly influence politicians' decisions in everyday life, and are applied only in contested cases. The reasons for this situation are not only legal but also socio,political. Large sections of current Israeli society support interest,group politics and do not accept the values that inspire the Court. [source] E-campaigning: what it is and how to do itJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 1 2003Ed Grefe Abstract Building community support for a candidate or a cause has traditionally been the essence of grass roots advocacy within the issues management process. And while political decisions in democracies are still made by the establishment, increasingly voters are expressing their views between elections on how an issue should be settled,and those who seek to retain political power are listening and responding. Corporations now need to adopt these tactics to show community support and to gain a legitimate seat at the table when decisions are made. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications [source] REVISITING BLACK ELECTORAL SUCCESS: OAKLAND (CA), 40 YEARS LATERJOURNAL OF URBAN AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2009FRÉDÉRICK DOUZET ABSTRACT:,The city of Oakland, California, was one of the case studies Browning, Marshall and Tabb picked in their book,Protest Is not Enough,(1984) as a significant example of successful liberal black-and-white coalitions, leading to strong black incorporation. Yet over the past 40 years, the balance of power has dramatically changed in the city of Oakland. After several decades of experience with African-American mayors and changing demographics, we need to reflect on the adequacy of this paradigm in light of the contemporary situation. The city once governed by a black mayor with a majority black city council in a traditional white progressive-black coalition has now become intrinsically multicultural, leading to the election of former Governor Jerry Brown as a Mayor in 1998. Despite Ron Dellums's election in 2006, the black hold and control over the city seems to be more tenuous and fragile than it was 15 years ago. This article raises the question of the future of black urban political power in cities undergoing demographic and political changes. Our main findings are that black urban power in Oakland is still predominantly coalition-based but involves new coalition partners with the demographic growth and the electoral mobilization of Hispanics and Asians. While the black-led coalition still relies on white progressive support, this support has weakened, mostly because of the broadening of the progressives' agenda. Finally, the black community seems less likely to vote on pure identity grounds and seems increasingly inclined to vote along issues and interests. [source] Fragmentation of Power and the Emergence of an Effective Judiciary in Mexico, 1994,2002LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 1 2007Julio Ríos-Figueroa ABSTRACT Legal reforms that make judges independent from political pressures and empower them with judicial review do not make an effective judiciary. Something has to fill the gap between institutional design and effectiveness. When the executive and legislative powers react to an objectionable judicial decision, the judiciary may be weak and deferential; but coordination difficulties between the elected branches can loosen the constraints on courts. This article argues that the fragmentation of political power can enable a judiciary to rule against power holders' interests without being systematically challenged or ignored. This argument is tested with an analysis of the Mexican Supreme Court decisions against the PRI on constitutional cases from 1994 to 2002. The probability of the court's voting against the PRI increased as the PRI lost the majority in the Chamber of Deputies in 1997 and the presidency in 2000. [source] Judicial Activism in Perilous Times: The Turkish CaseLAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Issue 2 2009Murat Tezcür Under what circumstances do courts act in ways that challenge the political hegemony of the military in countries with weak democratic institutions? This article addresses this question by focusing on a critical case of judicial activism in Turkey. It argues that lower courts unexpectedly can be centers of judicial activism that contributes to expansion of civil liberties and restrictions on arbitrary state power when the high judiciary supports the political status quo. This is because lower courts provide greater access to legal mobilization pursued by civil society actors. At the same time, judicial activism in lower courts is sustainable only when political power is distributed among elites with conflicting interests, and the civilian government offers support and protection to activist members of the judiciary. [source] Law and Literature in the Romantic Era: The Law's FictionsLITERATURE COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 4 2006Sue Chaplin This essay examines the emerging ideological relation between literature and law in the Romantic era and the significance of this relation to modern Western conceptualisations of what constitutes ,law' and ,literature'. In particular, the article explores the problematics of juridical textuality in the Romantic period , the extent to which the law comes to be regarded as text, and seeks to set this within the context of developing conceptualisations of ,literature' as a juridically defined commodity. The modern understanding of ,literature' began to be shaped in the Romantic era by a juridical re-formulation of the relation between the author, the text, the reader and the publisher: creative, original writing ,,literature', becomes a commodity copyrighted to an author/publisher. This development is accompanied by the State's recognition of the growing cultural and political power of new and diverse textual forms in an era of the mass production and consumption of ,literature', and the article considers alongside the contemporaneous formulation of copyright regulations the draconian censorship of textual production in this period. With reference to diverse juridical and literary sources (Clara Reeve's The Progress of Romance, Blackstone's Commentaries, Bentham's Fragment on Government, Godwin's Enquiry and Caleb Williams, amongst others), I examine the extent to which these various phenomena reveal the subjection of textuality in the Romantic era to the modern force of law. [source] The Collapse of the Classic Maya: A Case for the Role of Water ControlAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 3 2002Lisa J. Lucero This article focuses on the role of water control in the emergence and demise of Classic Maya political power (c. C.E. 250-950), one that scholars have long underestimated. The scale of water control correlates with the degree of political power, reflected in three levels of Maya civic-ceremonial centers,regional, secondary, and minor. Such power derives from a complex relationship among center location, seasonal water supply, amount of agricultural land, and settlement density. Maya kings monopolized artificial reservoirs and other water sources during annual drought, providing the means to exact tribute from subjects. Climate change undermined the institution of rulership when existing ceremonies and technology failed to provide sufficient water. The collapse of rulers' power at regional centers in the Terminal Classic (c. C.E. 850-950) had differing impacts on smaller centers. Secondary and minor centers not heavily dependent on water control survived the drought and the collapse of regional centers. [Keywords: political power, water control, Classic Maya collapse] [source] Lessons for Economic Reform Based on Pennsylvania's Experiences with the Two-Tiered Property TaxAMERICAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, Issue 3 2006Article first published online: 30 AUG 200, Robert Andrew Peters Although economic theory indicates that the imposition of a two-tiered property tax system facilitates urban revitalization, localities in most states have not been authorized to institute a two-tiered property tax. The authority to implement such a tax is partially determined by a state constitution's uniformity and equal protection clauses and tax rate ceilings. An analysis of these provisions reveals 23 states may establish a two-tiered tax, but implementation in 20 of the states must await the passage of state-enabling legislation. Because of the dearth of experience in enacting legislation and the absence of literature that provides guidance for securing its passage, the politics of enacting Pennsylvania's 1998 statute are assessed. The case study clearly indicates that enabling legislation enjoys bipartisan support as well as the backing of urban and rural representatives. However, the legislation's fate is primarily determined by the composition of local electorates and the political power of farm lobbies. [source] Structure, Agency and Power in Political Analysis: Beyond Contextualised Self-InterpretationsPOLITICAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2008Jason Glynos This article evaluates Mark Bevir and Rod Rhodes' interpretive approach to political analysis by examining their account of social change. Their work is significant because they have endeavoured to construct a distinctive approach which strikes a productive balance between philosophical reflection and analytical attention to the empirical domain. Moreover, in elaborating their approach, Bevir and Rhodes wage a war along a number of fronts: positivism, institutionalism and post-structuralism, and so an analysis of their work enables us to take stock of a range of contemporary methods and approaches. In considering their underlying presuppositions and commitments, we pay particular attention to their account of human agency and its relationship to social structures and political power. While we agree with much of their critique of positivism, naturalism, realism and institutionalism, we argue that Bevir and Rhodes risk overplaying the role of interpreting the individual beliefs and desires of relevant actors to the detriment of a wider net of social practices and logics. Moreover, in challenging their understanding of the post-structuralist approach to political analysis we develop its resources to enrich the possibilities of a critical interpretivism, moving beyond concepts like tradition, dilemma and situated agency. Put more precisely, we argue that the radical contingency of social structures and human agency , their structural incompleteness , discloses new ways of understanding both their character and their mutual intertwining. For example, we develop the categories of lack, dislocation and political identification to think human agency and its relation to wider social structures. More broadly, we argue that an approach developed around different sorts of logics , social, political and fantasmatic , goes some way to steering a different course between a pure thick descriptivism that focuses principally on individual beliefs and desires on the one hand, and a concern with causal laws and mechanisms on the other. [source] The Impact of Devolution on Women's Political Representation Levels in Northern IrelandPOLITICS, Issue 1 2004Tahnya Barnett Donaghy Historically, Northern Ireland women have been severely under-represented in the formal political arena. Despite the main parties having failed to address this issue, women have notably increased their presence in elected positions since the establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly in 1998. In the absence of any initiatives undertaken specifically to improve women's political status, it appears that the opportunities of devolution have facilitated these recent achievements. Specifically, the new political landscape has become more open and conducive to promoting women into positions of political power, and it is the impact of these developments that this article explores. [source] First Politics, Then Culture: Accounting for Ethnic Differences in Demographic Behavior in KenyaPOPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW, Issue 3 2001Alexander A. Weinreb Ethnic differences in demographic behavior tend to be disguised behind analytically opaque labels like "district" or "region," or else subjected to simplistic cultural explanations. Drawing on new political economy, sociological theory and the political science literature on sub-Saharan Africa, this article proposes an alternative explanatory model and tests it empirically with reference to Kenya. Access to political power and, through power, access to a state's resources,including resources devoted to clinics, schools, labor opportunities, and other determinants of demographic behavior,are advanced as the key factors underlying ethnic differences. District-level estimates of "political capital" are introduced and merged with two waves of Demographic and Health Survey data. The effects on models of contraceptive use are explored. Results confirm that measures of political capital explain residual ethnic differences in use, providing strong support for a political approach to the analysis of demographic behavior. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||