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Political Orientation (political + orientation)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Psychology	46%
Humanities and Social Sciences	38%

Selected Abstracts

Political orientation and perceptions of adolescent autonomy and judicial culpability

BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES & THE LAW, Issue 1 2009
N. Dickon Reppucci Ph.D.
This study probed general attitudes about processing youths in adult criminal court across a range of offenses, explored attitudes about age of autonomous decision-making for several activities outside the criminal justice context, and examined the interaction between these two realms. The major finding was that adults favor adult punishment of adolescent offenders at younger ages than they favor autonomy in other decision-making contexts; the gap is widest for those who identify themselves as conservatives. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

The Politics of Banking in Romania: Soft Loans, Looting and Cardboard Billionaires

GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 3 2004
Lucian Cernat
In this article attention is focused on the features of the emerging Romanian banking system, its failures, and their determinants. These failures were either politically driven or simply a result of the weak regulatory capacity of the state (as the owner of the banks) and lax monitoring from the central bank, as the central authority entrusted with the responsibility to maintain a well-functioning banking system. The reluctance of various governments, regardless of their political orientation, to apply sanctions against banks that are in trouble until the last possible moment encourage excessive risk-taking when banks first encounter financial difficultics, and asset-stripping when the insiders realize that a bank's continued viability is in jeopardy. Based on a number of case studies, the article argues that, in post-1989 Romania, insider trading, self-loans and blunt theft appeared more as systemic features rather than isolated incidents. [source]

Territorial sense of community, ethnic prejudice and political orientation

JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY & APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2008
Miretta Prezza
Abstract This research focused on territorial sense of community and ethnic prejudice. In particular, we related these two constructs and investigated their relationship to individual characteristics (personal political orientation, contact with immigrants, etc.) and community-level ones (such as ethnic composition and the political orientation of the local government). Two studies were conducted in four small towns in central and southern Italy. For each study, 160 people were contacted. The instruments used were a questionnaire, the Italian Sense of Community Scale and the Blatant Prejudice Scale. The results showed that territorial sense of community is not related to ethnic prejudice or to the ethnic heterogeneity of the territory. It was also found that people with right-wing political sympathies revealed higher levels of prejudice than people with left-wing sympathies. Finally, in a town with a stable and consolidated left-wing orientation of the local government we found, when the influence of personal political orientation was controlled for, lower levels of prejudice than in a town with a right-wing orientation. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

Parents' Beliefs About Condoms and Oral Contraceptives: Are They Medically Accurate?

PERSPECTIVES ON SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH, Issue 2 2004
Marla E. Eisenberg
CONTEXT: Parents are encouraged to be the primary sex educators for their children; however, little is known about the accuracy of parents' views about condoms and oral contraceptives. METHODS: Telephone surveys using validated measures provided data on beliefs about the effectiveness, safety and usability of condoms and the pill among 1,069 parents of 13,17-year-olds in Minnesota and Wisconsin in 2002. Pearson chi-square tests and multivariate logistic regression models were used to compare beliefs according to sex, age, race, religion, education, income and political orientation. RESULTS: Substantial proportions of parents underestimated the effectiveness of condoms for preventing pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Only 47% believed that condoms are very effective for STD prevention, and 40% for pregnancy prevention. Fifty-two percent thought that pill use prevents pregnancy almost all the time; 39% thought that the pill is very safe. Approximately one-quarter of parents thought that most teenagers are capable of using condoms correctly; almost four in 10 thought that most teenagers can use the pill correctly. Fathers tended to have more accurate views about condoms than mothers did; mothers' views of the pill were generally more accurate than fathers'. Whites were more likely than nonwhites to hold accurate beliefs about the pill's safety and effectiveness; conservatives were less likely than liberals to hold accurate views about the effectiveness of condoms. CONCLUSION: Campaigns encouraging parents to talk with their teenagers about sexuality should provide parents with medically accurate information on the effectiveness, safety and usability of condoms and the pill. [source]

The Secret Lives of Liberals and Conservatives: Personality Profiles, Interaction Styles, and the Things They Leave Behind

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2008
Dana R. Carney
Although skeptics continue to doubt that most people are "ideological," evidence suggests that meaningful left-right differences do exist and that they may be rooted in basic personality dispositions, that is, relatively stable individual differences in psychological needs, motives, and orientations toward the world. Seventy-five years of theory and research on personality and political orientation has produced a long list of dispositions, traits, and behaviors. Applying a theory of ideology as motivated social cognition and a "Big Five" framework, we find that two traits, Openness to New Experiences and Conscientiousness, parsimoniously capture many of the ways in which individual differences underlying political orientation have been conceptualized. In three studies we investigate the relationship between personality and political orientation using multiple domains and measurement techniques, including: self-reported personality assessment; nonverbal behavior in the context of social interaction; and personal possessions and the characteristics of living and working spaces. We obtained consistent and converging evidence that personality differences between liberals and conservatives are robust, replicable, and behaviorally significant, especially with respect to social (vs. economic) dimensions of ideology. In general, liberals are more open-minded, creative, curious, and novelty seeking, whereas conservatives are more orderly, conventional, and better organized. [source]

A Rational Choice Approach to Explaining Policy Preferences and Concern for Representing Women among State Legislators

POLITICS & POLICY, Issue 1 2010
DONALD E. WHISTLER
Rational choice theory predicts that women, when significantly involved in the production of private competitive goods and services, will adopt the same self-interested political orientation as similarly economically situated men. Guided by this approach, this nationwide survey of state legislators finds that competitive occupational background significantly reduces support for representing distributive,redistributive policy among both women and men legislators. However, it also finds that women legislators in general, as well as women holding leadership positions, retain a significant concern for representing women. Democratic Party affiliation and noncompetitive occupational background predict support for distributive,redistributive policies among women and men legislators, while only Democratic Party affiliation predicts concern for representing women among women and men legislators. Other explanatory variables (i.e., lower education, liberal ideology, African-Americans, lower-socioeconomic status districts, and political ambition) are in the direction hypothesized to influence representing distributive,redistributive policies and women but are not all statistically significant. La teoría de la decisión racional predice que cuando las mujeres se involucran significativamente en la producción de bienes y servicios competitivos, adoptarán la misma orientación política de búsqueda de sus intereses personales que los hombres similarmente situados económicamente. Guiados por este enfoque, esta encuesta nacional de los legisladores estatales encuentra que los antecedentes profesionales competitivos reducen significativamente el apoyo entre mujeres así como hombres legisladores para representar políticas distributivas-redistributivas. Sin embargo, encuentra que en general, las mujeres legisladoras, así como aquellas mujeres que desempeñan posiciones de autoridad, conservan una preocupación significativa por representar a las mujeres. Por su parte, tanto afiliación al Partido Demócrata como antecedentes ocupacionales no-competitivos, predicen apoyo entre las mujeres y los hombres legisladores, a políticas distributivas-redistributivas, mientras que sólo afiliación al Partido Demócrata predice preocupación entre las mujeres y los hombres legisladores por representar a las mujeres. Otras variables que pueden explicar esto (i.e., educación baja, ideología liberal, Afroamericanos, distritos con bajo nivel socioeconómico, y ambición política) están en la dirección hipotetizada para influir la representación de las políticas distributivas-redistributivas y de mujeres, pero no todas son estadísticamente significativas. [source]

Mediational role of values in linking personality traits to political orientation

ASIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2009
Gianvittorio Caprara
Two studies use the Five Factor Model of traits and Schwartz's (1992) theory of basic personal values to assess the mediational role of values in linking traits to voting choice and left-right ideology. Both left- and right-wing voters showed distinctive traits and values that were congruent with their ideologies. Structural equation modelling supported a hypothesized full mediation model. Individuals' traits of openness, conscientiousness and agreeableness explained significant variance in the politically relevant values of security and universalism, and these self-reported values, in turn, explained the voters' political orientations. These findings held across age (adolescents and adults) and were corroborated using both cross-sectional and longitudinal data. [source]

The Church of Faith and Freedom: African,American Baptists and Social Action

JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION, Issue 1 2003
Shayne Lee
Clergy have an undeniable ability to shape the political beliefs and attitudes of their congregations and thus revealing how the framing activities of clergy affect behavior and influence mobilization is vital for political sociology. This ethnographic work delineates how, in 1972, the Second Baptist Church of Evanston's new pastor initiated a rapid change from social conservatism to become one of the most politically and socially active African,American Baptist churches in the Midwest. Second Baptist's radical change confirms the power of religious elites in shaping politics in spiritual institutions, and also demonstrates the vital impact of professional socialization on the theological and political orientations of clergy. [source]

WHEN IS A SERVICE AN ESSENTIAL PUBLIC SERVICE?

ANNALS OF PUBLIC AND COOPERATIVE ECONOMICS, Issue 4 2009
Steven Van De Walle
ABSTRACT,:,Citizens consider certain public (and private) services as essential services and therefore to be shielded from the full extent of market forces. Little is known about why some services are considered essential public services while other sometimes very similar services are not. In this article, we analyze public opinion using Eurobarometer data to test models exploring what factors determine whether citizens in 15 EU countries consider certain services as essential services and therefore to be provided to all. Despite the variety in public opinion, political orientations and geographic factors do little to explain why citizens have different opinions about the provision of public services. The article ends by outlining a research agenda for the further analysis of this underexplored research topic. [source]