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Political Order (political + order)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	72%
Law and Criminology	27%

Selected Abstracts

Legitimacy for a Supranational European Political Order,Derivative, Regulatory or Deliberative?

RATIO JURIS, Issue 1 2002
Massimo La Torre
This paper discusses some models purported to legitimise a European supranational legal order. In particular, the author focuses on an application of the so-called regulatory model to the complex structure of the European Community and the European Union. First of all, he tackles the very concept of legitimacy, contrasting it with both efficacy and efficiency. Secondly, he summarises the most prominent positions in the long-standing debate on the sources of legitimation for the European Community. Thirdly, in this perspective, he analyses several, sometimes contradictory, notions of the rule of law. His contention is that we can single out five fundamental notions of the rule of law and that some but not all of them are incompatible with or oppose democracy. Finally, the paper addresses the regulatory model as a possible application of the rule of the law to the European supranational order. The conclusion is that the regulatory model should be rejected if it is presented as an alternative to classical democratic thought, though it might be fruitful if reshaped differently and no longer assessed from a functionalist standpoint of deliberation. [source]

Buddhism, Power and Political Order , Edited by Ian Harris

RELIGIOUS STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 2 2009
Justin McDaniel
No abstract is available for this article. [source]

Mawl,na Mawd,d? and the Future Political Order in British India

THE MUSLIM WORLD, Issue 3-4 2003
Omar Khalidi
First page of article [source]

FLORENTINE CIVIC HUMANISM AND THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN IDEOLOGY

HISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 3 2007
HANAN YORAN
ABSTRACT This article revisits the question of the modernity of the Renaissance by examining the political language of Florentine civic humanism and by critically analyzing the debate over Hans Baron's interpretation of the movement. It engages two debates that are usually conducted separately: one concerning the originality of civic humanism in comparison to medieval thought, and the other concerning the political and social function of the civic humanists' political republicanism in fifteenth-century Florence. The article's main contention is that humanist political discourse rejected the perception of social and political reality as being part of, or reflecting, a metaphysical and divine order or things, and thus undermined the traditional justifications for political hierarchies and power relations. This created the conditions of possibility for the distinctively modern aspiration for a social and political order based on liberty and equality. It also resulted in the birth of a distinctively modern form of ideology, one that legitimizes the social order by disguising its inequalities and structures of domination. Humanism, like modern political thought generally, thus simultaneously constructs and reflects the dialectic of emancipation and domination so central to modernity itself. [source]

Signals of Reconciliation: Institution-Building and the Resolution of Civil Wars

INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2005
Matthew Hoddie
Recent studies of civil war have tended to apply concepts associated with neorealist analyses of international conflict to understand the dynamics of disputes among collectivities within a state. The intention of the present essay is to demonstrate that this reliance on neorealist theory has resulted in the neglect of viable solutions to these conflicts that are inconsistent with the dominant paradigm. We suggest that an alternative international relations perspective, neoliberal institutionalism, can also serve as a prescription for post-civil war stability. Consistent with this perspective, we identify a process in which negotiating and establishing power-sharing institutions serves two important functions in the resolution of civil wars. First, the institutions created through this process serve as the basis for establishing a new political order. Second, the act of developing postwar institutions provides a means by which former adversaries can generate the often costly signals of conciliatory intent necessary for fostering new norms of peaceful cooperation. We demonstrate the value of this framework through a case study of conflict resolution in the Philippines. [source]

Scotland and parliamentary sovereignty

LEGAL STUDIES, Issue 4 2004
Gavin Little
The authority of the classic Diceyan approach to parliamentary sovereignty has, as is well known, been called into question as a result of the UK's membership of the EU and human rights legislation. However, this paper focuses on the implications of Scottish devolution for the orthodox doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. The constitution, and the legislative supremacy of Westminster within it, remains a controversial political issue in Scotland. Accordingly, rather than hypothesising inductively from constitutional doctrine, consideration is given to the nature of the interaction between the socio-political forces which underlie Scottish devolution and the concept of parliamentary sovereignty. It is contended that the foundations of the Scottish political order have shifted in a way which is already presenting significant challenges. Moreover, looking to the future, the pressure on the orthodox Diceyan approach is likely to intensify over time. In this context, it is questionable whether constitutional conventions of the sort which are already evolving or the possible development by the courts of more formal constitutional norms will, in the long term, be able to reconcile parliamentary sovereignty with Scottish political reality. Indeed, it is argued that , from a Scottish perspective at least , the viability of classic, Diceyan parliamentary sovereignty as a meaningful constitutional doctrine will be called into question in the years to come. [source]

Global Inequality and International Institutions

METAPHILOSOPHY, Issue 1-2 2001
Andrew Hurrell
This article considers the links between international institutions and global economic justice: how international institutions might be morally important; how they have changed; and at what those changes imply for justice. The institutional structure of international society has evolved in ways that help to undercut the arguments of those who take a restrictionist position towards global economic justice. There is now a denser and more integrated network of shared institutions and practices within which social expectations of global justice and injustice have become more securely established. But, at the same time, our major international social institutions continue to constitute a deformed political order. This combination of density and deformity shapes how we should think about international justice in general and has important implications for the scope, character, and modalities of global economic justice. Having laid out a view of normative development and where it leads, the article then examines why international distributive justice remains so marginal to current practice. [source]

The Idea of Deliberative Democracy.

RATIO JURIS, Issue 4 2001
A Critical Appraisal
The deliberative conception of politics seems to be necessary for the legitimation of state power through democratic will-formation and decision-making. However, the author maintains that a complex theory of democracy cannot merely consist in procedural prerequisites for organizing the concomitant institutional settings. In particular, such a theory must comprise some substantive presuppositions, such as social and economic rights, in order to diminish existing material inequalities, especially those connected with social exploitation and domination. The author argues that a contemporary theory of democracy should reflect on the autonomization of mechanisms of egoistic action challenging not only the democratic political order, but also the very reproduction preconditions of societies all over the world. In this perspective, the model of associative democracy, which is suggested nowadays as a sort of substantive correlative to the institutional proceduralism, could not significantly rejuvenate the traditional representative democracy. Instead, democracy could only be given a fresh impulse if democratic deliberation penetrates the currently forbidden field of capitalist production and social exploitation, the locus where social inequality and effective unfreedom are endlessly reproduced. [source]

Peasants and the Process of Building Democratic Polities: Lessons from San Marino

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 2 2003
Ulf Sundhaussen
This essay challenges the conventional wisdom that democracy must be built upon the foundation of an established middle class, a belief forthrightly asserted in Barrington Moore's resolute dictum of "no bourgeois, no democracy". Taking a lead from Aristotle who thought peasants to be the best social group on which to build a political order that would preserve liberty, I consider the hypothesis that peasants can construct democratic systems of government. The little-known little country of San Marino provides a case study. Its long history serves to demonstrate that the driving force behind the establishment of democracy need not be an educated and wealthy middle class but that a poor and uneducated peasantry can provide this impetus. This is a finding that calls into question the very formula that Western governments, scholars and institutions such as the IMF and World Bank routinely prescribe for Third World countries. [source]

In and Out of Terror: The Vertigo of Secularization

HYPATIA, Issue 1 2003
MARÍA PÍA LARA
The key concept is "vertigo of secularization." It relates to the fears that societies experience when understanding the need to ground their political orders as separated from religion. The erosion of values produces vertigos around the world. We need to understand better these kinds of processes because only by doing so can we keep that fear and violence from taking precedence over the hard working tasks of building up a global political community. [source]

Reforming European Institutions of Governance

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 4 2002
Johan P. Olsen
The European Union has combined a belief in institutional engineering with the experience that comprehensive reform is difficult to achieve. The long,term development has been in a consistent direction. Yet, the history of the Union is one of founding acts and deliberate institution,building, as well as informal and gradual institutional evolution where common practices have been codified into formal,legal institutions. Institutional arrangements are contingent and malleable, but not necessarily in a voluntaristic way. A simple model of institutional engineering, assuming predetermined political will, understanding and power, is not likely to capture processes of comprehensive reform in complex and dynamic political orders like the EU. This does not deny that there are several options for deliberate intervention in existing structures. EU reformers may both reduce the need for reform and make reform more feasible. [source]