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Political Mobilisation (political + mobilisation)
Selected AbstractsInequality, Ethnicity, Political Mobilisation and Political Violence in Latin America: The Cases of Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru*BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 4 2006ROSEMARY THORP The paper explores the relationship between political violence and ,horizontal' inequality in ethnically-divided countries in Latin America. The cases studied are Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru. Preliminary results are reported on the measurement of horizontal inequality, or that between groups, defined in cultural, ethnic and/or religious terms. The Latin American cases are shown to be often more unequal than the cases from Africa and Asia included in the wider study of which the work forms a part. The complex relationship between such inequality, ethnicity and political violence is explored historically. Ethnicity is today rarely a mobilising factor in violence in the Latin American cases, but the degree of inequality based on ethnicity is shown to be highly relevant to the degree of violence which results once conflict is instigated. History explains why. [source] Myth and mobilisation: the triadic structure of nationalist rhetoricNATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 2 2001Matthew Levinger Drawing on the theory of collective action frames, this essay analyses the use of images of a primordial ,golden age' in the rhetoric of national mobilisation. Such idealised images of the past, juxtaposed with exaggerated depictions of a degraded present and a utopian future condition, constitute a rhetorical triad that is an effective instrument for motivating mass political movements. The model developed here emphasises the links between identity formation and political mobilisation, analysing how narratives of communal decline and redemption play a central role in defining the agendas of nationalist movements. [source] Media, Language Policy and Cultural Change in Tatarstan: Historic vs.NATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 2 2000Pragmatic Claims to Nationhood The politics of national identity in the Republic of Tatarstan are complex and often contradictory. Although sometimes posed in terms of an historical legacy, claims to nationhood are also strongly shaped by more pragmatic contemporary concerns. In addition to more conventional forms of political mobilisation, national identity is also contested in cultural arenas. Examining policies on language reform and media development, for example, sheds light on the processes through which a sense of national identity is currently being renegotiated in Tatarstan. The Republic's official multicultural policy is situated in the context of a range of distinct conceptions of Tatarstan's identity, from radical Islamic nationalism to a view of the republic as a Russian province. [source] From Contestation to Autonomy: The Staging and Framing of Anti-Hanson ContentionAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 2 2001Sean Scalmer The rise of Hansonism provoked a campaign of demonstrations, rallies, marches and walkouts. This movement was frequently received within the media as violent, disruptive, and illiberal. However, I argue that anti-Hanson contention represented a noteworthy form of active citizenship. It contested the presence of the One Nation Party, undermined the ideological claim that Hanson represented ,ordinary' Australians, and garnered substantial publicity. The anti-Hanson campaign was concerned not only with the staging of dissent in public space, but with how that dissent was framed within the public sphere. Reflecting these public dynamics, the anti-Hanson movement moved over time from a reliance on contestational gatherings, that directly opposed the One Nation Party in physical space to autonomous gatherings, that attempted to create separate spaces of anti-racist politics. Ultimately, therefore, the campaign can be understood as a flexible, democratic and self-reflexive form of political mobilisation. [source] Information and Values in Popular Protests: Costa Rica in 2000BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 1 2009EDUARDO FRAJMAN The mass demonstrations in Costa Rica in 2000 opposing a government initiative to deregulate the electricity and telecommunications markets point to the importance of the paths of communication between the people and government leaders to understand mass political mobilisation. This article explains the surprising reaction of the Costa Rican public by focusing on the unwillingness or inability of the policy-makers to articulate their position in a way acceptable to the citizenry, leaving public space under the dominant influence of social organisations that opposed the initiative. [source] Patronage and empowerment in the central AmazonBULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 4 2000Scott William Hoefle Abstract The shift from modern to post-modern politics in the Central Amazon is critically evaluated. While considerable empowerment of previously marginalised. Amerindians, rubber tapers and frontier peasants has occurred, patronage networks remain top down in their decision-making process, significant horizontal political mobilisation between different social actors has not emerged and grassroots political organisation has been stymied by authoritarian politics at the state level. Consequently, as empowerment is supposed to lie at the heart of building sustainable livelihoods in the Amazon, by this line of logic, the future of the region would seem to be seriously compromised. [source] Populisms old and new: the Peruvian case,BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 2 2000John Crabtree Abstract President Fujimori is often seen as exemplary of the Latin American "neopopulist". Having inherited a country in crisis, he managed to engineer profound changes in the economic sphere, legitimising his government through a direct rapport with the mass of the population that marginalised representative institutions. This article seeks to place this "neopopulism" in an historical context by focusing on the socio-economic and political characteristics that have sustained a tradition of populism in Peru. It argues that "top-down" styles of political mobilisation have long had a debilitating effect on the development of a representative party system, and that populist traits can be traced through regimes of widely differing ideological orientations. [source] | ||||||||||