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Political Messages (political + message)
Selected AbstractsValues-based Political Messages and Persuasion: Relationships among Speaker, Recipient, and Evoked ValuesPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2005Thomas E. Nelson The persuasive power of values-based political messages may depend on recipients having (1) shared values with the speaker (a type of personal identity match); (2) shared political party identifications with the speaker (a type of social identity match); and/or (3) expectations about values traditionally associated with different political parties (an expectancy violation/confirmation). The independent and joint effects of these factors on the success of a persuasive message were examined, using the theoretical framework of dual-process models of persuasion. Participants (N = 301), classified according to their party identifications and primary value orientations, read a political speech that varied by argument quality, speaker party, and values evoked. Results indicated that value matching promotes close attention to the message, while party mismatching increases message rejection. These effects depend to some extent, however, on expectancies about values traditionally associated with different parties. Participants especially rejected messages from rival party members when the speaker evoked unexpected values. Results are discussed in terms of their implications for the efficacy of values-based political communication. [source] Press Advertising and the Political Differentiation of NewspapersJOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMIC THEORY, Issue 3 2002Jean J. Gabszewicz The press industry depends in a crucial way on the possibility of financing an important fraction of its activities by advertising receipts. We show that this may induce the editors of the newspapers to moderate the political message they display to their readers, compared with the political opinions they would have expressed otherwise. [source] The Height of (Architectural) Seduction: Reading the "Changes" through Stalin's Palace in Warsaw, PolandJOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURAL EDUCATION, Issue 4 2001Magdalena J. Zaborowska Joseph Stalin's Palace of Culture and Science in Warsaw, Poland, is a representative architectural structure, whose diverse and divergent readings and interpretations elicit larger historic and cultural contexts of pre- and post-1989 developments in Eastern Europe and the West. The Palace's unique ability to encode and compel changing constructions of individual and collective narratives of Polish identity provides a valuable lesson on the relationships between architecture, literature, history, and politics. Structures like the Palace carry ideological and political messages inscribed onto them by their designers and builders and serve as repositories of the changing desires and fantasies of their individual spectators or readers. [source] Mapping the nation: street names and Arab-Palestinian identity: three case studiesNATIONS AND NATIONALISM, Issue 2 2002Maoz Azaryahu The naming of streets is part of the ongoing process of mapping the boundaries of the nation. This article examines three sets of Arab-Palestinian street names , pre-1948 Haifa and Jerusalem and post-1948 Umm el Fahm , as locally constructed ,texts of identity' in the historical and political context of their official creation. The investigation aims at charting the ideological orientations represented and the political messages entailed in these three different textual manifestations of Arab-Palestinian national identity. The analysis focuses on notions of historical and cultural heritage as expressed in the choice of street names. Finally, it offers an interpretative evaluation of this process, placing it within broader ideological and historical contexts. [source] Values-based Political Messages and Persuasion: Relationships among Speaker, Recipient, and Evoked ValuesPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2005Thomas E. Nelson The persuasive power of values-based political messages may depend on recipients having (1) shared values with the speaker (a type of personal identity match); (2) shared political party identifications with the speaker (a type of social identity match); and/or (3) expectations about values traditionally associated with different political parties (an expectancy violation/confirmation). The independent and joint effects of these factors on the success of a persuasive message were examined, using the theoretical framework of dual-process models of persuasion. Participants (N = 301), classified according to their party identifications and primary value orientations, read a political speech that varied by argument quality, speaker party, and values evoked. Results indicated that value matching promotes close attention to the message, while party mismatching increases message rejection. These effects depend to some extent, however, on expectancies about values traditionally associated with different parties. Participants especially rejected messages from rival party members when the speaker evoked unexpected values. Results are discussed in terms of their implications for the efficacy of values-based political communication. [source] Maintaining Popular Support for the Chinese Communist Party: The Influence of Education and the State-Controlled MediaPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 3 2009John James Kennedy Literature on public opinion in China suggests that public support for the Chinese Communist party (CCP) is quite high. No matter how survey questions regarding regime support are phrased, the results are the same. The obvious question arises: how does an authoritarian regime, such as the PRC, garner the support of the vast majority of its citizens? I argue that the exposure-acceptance model best explains the high level of public support in China. This model suggests that educated citizens, who are politically aware, display high levels of political support within an authoritarian regime, but citizens at the highest levels of education are more resistant to political messages and tend to have lower levels of support. However, in a developing country such as China there are unequal educational opportunities for rural and urban citizens. This has a significant influence on how education affects regime support. Despite lower levels of support among the most educated citizens, the CCP still manages to maintain a high level of popular support through strict control over the media and education system. [source] A Comparative Analysis of Political Communication Systems and Voter TurnoutAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 2 2009Mijeong Baek This article explores how political communication institutions affect cross-national differences in voter turnout in democratic elections. It demonstrates how the structure and means of conveying political messages,gauged by media systems, access to paid political television advertising, and campaign finance laws,explain variations in turnout across 74 countries. Relying on a "mobilization" perspective, I argue that institutional settings that reduce information costs for voters will increase turnout. The major empirical findings are twofold. First, campaign finance systems that allow more money (and electioneering communication) to enter election campaigns are associated with higher levels of voter turnout. Second, broadcasting systems and access to paid political television advertising explain cross-national variation in turnout, but their effects are more complex than initially expected. While public broadcasting clearly promotes higher levels of turnout, it also modifies the effect of paid advertising access on turnout. [source] Imaging vulnerability: the iconography of climate changeAREA, Issue 1 2010Kate Manzo This paper explores the iconography of climate change in contemporary climate action campaigns in the UK. I aim to show how sample images are simultaneously scientific denotations of global warming and cultural connotations of danger and vulnerability. I further demonstrate that while similar images are associated with different agendas and geographical visions, they attach to a shared discourse of vulnerability that has Western (colonial) roots. The paper concludes with an overview of possible ways for climate action campaigns to effectively convey their political messages without recycling colonial visions of the world. [source] | ||||||||||