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Political Life (political + life)
Selected AbstractsPolitical Life in Late Victorian Britain: The Conservatives in ThornburyPARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 2 2004T. A. JENKINS First page of article [source] A Political Life in Democratic Times: On a New Biography of Alexis de TocquevillePUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW, Issue 3 2008Donald J. Maletz First page of article [source] Nehru: A Political Life , By Judith M. BrownTHE HISTORIAN, Issue 1 2008B. R. Nanbda No abstract is available for this article. [source] Itineraries in Conflict: Israelis, Palestinians, and the Political Lives of Tourism by Rebecca SteinAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 2 2010Johan Lindquist No abstract is available for this article. [source] Changing household responses to drought in Tharaka, Kenya: vulnerability, persistence and challengeDISASTERS, Issue 2 2008Thomas A. Smucker Drought is a recurring challenge to the livelihoods of those living in Tharaka District, Kenya, situated in the semi-arid zone to the east of Mount Kenya, from the lowest slopes of the mountain to the banks of the Tana River. This part of Kenya has been marginal to the economic and political life of Kenya from the colonial period until the present day. A study of more than 30 years of change in how people in Tharaka cope with drought reveals resilience in the face of major macro-level transformations, which include privatisation of landownership, population growth, political decentralisation, increased conflict over natural resources, different market conditions, and environmental shifts. However, the study also shows troubling signs of increased use of drought responses that are incompatible with long-term agrarian livelihoods. Government policy needs to address the challenge of drought under these new macro conditions if sustainable human development is to be achieved. [source] Democratic Republic of the Congo: undoing government by predationDISASTERS, Issue 4 2006Edward B. Rackley Abstract This paper draws on two periods of field research, conducted in 2004, to consider the state of governance in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The first measures the paralysing impact of illegal taxation on riverine trade in the western provinces; the second documents civilian attempts to seek safety from violence in the troubled east, and evaluates third-party efforts to provide protection and security. Analysis of study findings suggests that the DRC's current governance crisis is neither historically novel nor driven exclusively by mineral resources, extraction rights or trafficking. Rather, government by predation is an endemic and systematic feature of the civil and military administration, ensuring the daily economic survival of soldiers and officials, who are able to wield their authority in a ,riskfree' environment, without oversight or accountability. The paper's conclusion tries to make sense of the persistence of corruption in social and political life, and assess the capacity of ordinary citizens to reverse their predicament. [source] Was Mancur a Maoist?ECONOMICS & POLITICS, Issue 2 2003An Essay on Kleptocracy, Political Stability Much of Mancur Olson's work explored the link between government structure and economic development. This paper provides a framework for thinking about this link that exposes both the powerful insights and the deep tensions in Olson's work. In The Rise and Decline of Nations Olson argued that instability was good for democratic accountability because it upset entrenched interests. In contrast, after the fall of the socialist regimes in Europe and the Soviet Union, Olson argued that the stability of a single autocrat or "stationary bandit" was superior to the competitive rent seeking of competing "roving bandits." I argue that there is a real inconsistency in Olson's thinking on the role of stability and change in political life; I do this by developing the connections between Olson's classic Logic of Collective Action and his subsequent writing. The paper concludes by building on Olson's insights to point the way to a more complete analysis of democracy and transition. [source] Cultural structures and political life: The cultural matrix of democracy in Spain1EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2004JORGE BENEDICTO It uses as a case study the democratization process that has been taking place in Spain for the last 25 years. The Spanish case is especially interesting because of the powerful cultural framework established around the process of transition to democracy; a framework from which most political symbols and meanings of the new Spanish democracy emanate. After analyzing the basic categories of this cultural structure and the main consequences for the functioning of political life, the article goes on to argue that these cultural elements have shaped a special relationship between citizens and politics. [source] A window on mid-Tudor Ireland: the ,Matters' against Lord Deputy St. LegerHISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 202 2005Christopher Maginn This article seeks to contextualize an anonymous set of allegations written in late 1547 which helped to collapse the government of Sir Anthony St. Leger, the lord deputy of Ireland. Often thought to be a symptom of the mid-Tudor crisis, this document reveals that the Edwardian regime's decision to replace the popular Irish deputy was greatly influenced by elements within Ireland. In his effort to effect a change in Tudor policy toward Ireland, the author of this eclectic and lengthy assortment of allegations against the St. Leger-led government has provided a window into many aspects of Irish political life at the outset of Edward VI's reign. [source] The Court in England, 1714,1760: A Declining Political Institution?HISTORY, Issue 297 2005HANNAH SMITH Although recent studies of eighteenth-century English politics have moved beyond viewing political activity solely in parliamentary terms and consider the extra-parliamentary dimensions to political life, the royal court has not been included in this development. This article seeks to reassess the political purpose of the court of George I, and particularly that of George II, by analysing how the court functioned both as an institution and as a venue. Although the court was losing ground as an institution, with the royal household declining in political importance, the article argues that the household should not be the only means of measuring the court's political role. Through analysing the court's function as a venue for political brokerage and as a type of political theatre, it is argued that the court retained a political significance throughout the period from 1714 to 1760. The article examines the importance of the court as a place where certain forms of patronage might be obtained, and as a location for political negotiation by ministers and lower-ranking politicians. Moreover, it also analyses how the court was employed as a stage for signalling political opinion through attendance, ceremony, gesture, and costume. [source] Ideology, Semiotics, and Clifford Geertz: Some Russian ReflectionsHISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 1 2001Andrey Zorin This article, written by a Russian cultural historian, analyzes the concept of "ideology" in the work of Clifford Geertz and his role in understanding the figurative nature of ideology as a cultural system. The author compares Geertz's semiotic approach to culture with the semiotics of culture developed by Russian theorists, particularly Yuri Lotman, showing the convergence and divergence of the two different national traditions. This understanding of the nature and functions of ideology opens new possibilities for discussing the tortured relations of ideology and literature, showing the way fiction can affect the formation of ideological systems and influence practical politics. The analysis is illustrated by examples from Russian political life of the 1990s,when revolutionary changes demanded new sets of ideological metaphors that in their turn shaped the direction of events. [source] A Socially Relevant Philosophy of Science?HYPATIA, Issue 1 2004Resources from Standpoint Theory's Controversiality Feminist standpoint theory remains highly controversial: it is widely advocated, used to guide research and justify its results, and yet is also vigorously denounced. This essay argues that three such sites of controversy reveal the value of engaging with standpoint theory as a way of reflecting on and debating some of the most anxiety-producing issues in contemporary Western intellectual and political life. Engaging with standpoint theory enables a socially relevant philosophy of science. [source] "We Live in a Country of UNHCR",Refugee Protests and Global Political SocietyINTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 4 2007Carolina Moulin Between September and December 2005 over 3,000 Sudanese refugees held a sit-in demonstration at the Mustapha Mahmoud Square in Cairo, Egypt, which is located directly across from the offices of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). We analyze the events of the refugee sit-in as an act of global political society, one that saw people outside the realm of the political making demands for recognition and a say in the solutions being developed to relieve their plight. We argue that the sit-in at Cairo was fundamentally a disagreement between the refugees and the UNHCR over the politics of protection, care, and mobility. The article analyzes the strategies through which the refugees named their "population of care" in ways that countered the UNHCR's governmental strategies to classify the Sudanese refugee population in Cairo. We propose the concept of "global political society" as a way of thinking about global political life from the perspective of those who are usually denied the status of political beings. Global political society is a highly ambiguous site where power relations are enacted, taken and retaken by various actors, but in ways that do not foreclose opportunities for refugees to actively reformulate the governmentalities of care and protection. [source] Brazil: Drug Trafficking in the Federal State of RondôniaINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 169 2001Christian Geffray This article describes some of the main social and political consequences of the emergence of the cocaine trade in Brazilian Amazonia, taking as an example the state of Acre. Drug trafficking, which concerns all sections of society, has, like other illegal networks, become an alternative to the rubber industry, which has been in crisis since the 1980s. Its implications differ, however, in the northern and southern parts of the state. In the latter, especially in the capital, Acre, the development of a local market of urban consumers is closely connected to police corruption and the illegal use of violence by law enforcement agencies. In the former, where machinery for the social redistribution of illegal income seems to be more effective, the cocaine trade is contributing to a degree of prosperity, thanks in particular to recent growth in the service sector. While violence is, comparatively speaking, less necessary as a guarantee of social control in that region, the control exercised by drug barons and business people over the executive branches of the state means that political life as a whole is criss-crossed by relationships forged in the criminal world. [source] The Drug Trade, the Black Economy, and Society in Western AmazoniaINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 169 2001Roberto Araújo This article describes some of the main social and political consequences of the emergence of the cocaine trade in Brazilian Amazonia, taking as an example the state of Acre. Drug trafficking, which concerns all sections of society, has, like other illegal networks, become an alternative to the rubber industry, which has been in crisis since the 1980s. Its implications differ, however, in the northern and southern parts of the state. In the latter, especially in the capital, Acre, the development of a local market of urban consumers is closely connected to police corruption and the illegal use of violence by law enforcement agencies. In the former, where machinery for the social redistribution of illegal income seems to be more effective, the cocaine trade is contributing to a degree of prosperity, thanks in particular to recent growth in the service sector. While violence is, comparatively speaking, less necessary as a guarantee of social control in that region, the control exercised by drug barons and business people over the executive branches of the state means that political life as a whole is criss-crossed by relationships forged in the criminal world. [source] The Politics of Memory in Annexed Lorraine: The Conflicts between Germanification and French Stalwarts at the beginning of the 20th CenturyJOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 3 2009PHILIPPE HAMMAN The article examines how the uses of memory in turn-of-the-century Lorraine structured political discourse and presented enduring difficulties for the actions of German administrators and local community leaders. In this border region, memory was always contested and challenged, and thereby unstable. This paper approaches "the politics of French memory" through the examination of various pro-French "memory societies" and networks such as the Souvenir Français. The central question is how did conflicts over memory impact Lorraine's political life and its place in the German Empire in the years leading up to the Great War? Regarding this point, the growth of nationalism is analysed as a phenomenon that reached far beyond French nationalist circles. [source] Judicial Review of Politics: The Israeli CaseJOURNAL OF LAW AND SOCIETY, Issue 4 2002Daphne Barak In the tradition of studies questioning the impact of celebrated court rulings, this article discusses the effectiveness of the judicial review of politics conducted by the Israeli Supreme Court. The Israeli Supreme Court is generally viewed as a highly influential, almost omnipotent body. During the last two decades, the Court has intervened repeatedly in the so,called political domain, thereby progressively eroding the scope of realms considered non,justiciable. It has ventured to enter domains of ,pure' political power to review the legality of political agreements, political appointments (appointments of political allies to public positions), and political allocations (government funding to organizations affiliated with its political supporters). The prevalent perception is that these developments had a significant impact on Israeli political life. The present article challenges this view and argues that, on closer scrutiny, the influence of the Court on many of the issues reviewed here is negligible. First, many of the doctrines developed by the Court in order to review political measures proved ineffective. Usually, when the Supreme Court (acting as a High Court of Justice) engages in judicial review, it lacks the evidence needed in order to decide that administrative decisions on public appointments or public funding should be abolished because they were based on political or self,serving considerations. Second, the norms mandated by the Court hardly influence politicians' decisions in everyday life, and are applied only in contested cases. The reasons for this situation are not only legal but also socio,political. Large sections of current Israeli society support interest,group politics and do not accept the values that inspire the Court. [source] Thoughts on building a just market societyJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2002Michael Thomas Abstract This paper explores the tensions that exist in contemporary society between the individual as citizen and the individual as consumer. The power of the global market place can potentially drive the polity, so it is necessary to raise questions about the means to secure a healthy civic and political life. Financial capitalism, knowledge capitalism and social capitalism are explored as a means of understanding the nature of modern market capitalism. Can financial knowledge and social capitalism be turned into a virtuous circle of innovation, growth and social progress? The paper suggests that trust is the glue, the cement of a just society, and the dimensions of this trust are explored. Finally, the paper examines the nature of stakeholder society. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications [source] Conspiracy, history, and therapy at a Berlin StammtischAMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 3 2006DOMINIC BOYER In this article, I analyze conspiratorial knowledge in discussions of East German politics and history around a Berlin Stammtisch (regulars' table). The Stammtisch is a venerable, mostly masculine institution of German political culture that defines an intimate fraternal space within which social knowledge and political judgments are articulated, negotiated, and contested. Here, I am particularly interested in how talk of the "covert agencies" and "hidden relations" operating behind the scenes of political life in East Germany merged with more general and contemporary concerns about the relationship of Germanness to history. Whereas other anthropologists have emphasized the importance of conspiratorial knowledge as a mode of revealing otherwise obscure social and historical forces, I show how, in this context, conspiratorial knowledge operates in a different way to displace, dampen, or interrupt associations of contemporary Germanness with an imagined cultural inheritance of authoritarianism. [source] Geoffrey Holmes and the House of Lords ReconsideredPARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 1 2009ROBIN EAGLES The publication of Geoffrey Holmes's British Politics in the Age of Anne, arguably, did more than any other volume of the period to reinvigorate interest in the house of lords in the Augustan period. The upper chamber, which had been largely overlooked by historians such as Sir Lewis Namier and Robert Walcott, had come to be regarded as a very inferior partner to the house of commons, populated by great landowners whose principal interest was to see the furtherance of their kinship networks. Holmes's work demonstrated clearly the central role of the Lords in British political life and revised radically the accepted orthodoxy that family predominated over ideology in the early 18th century. This article seeks to reassess Holmes's contribution to the study of the Lords in the light of research undertaken since the publication of British Politics and to suggest some ways in which Holmes's model, which remains broadly unassailable, might be reshaped. [source] The Lost Leader: Sir Stafford Northcote and the Leadership of the Conservative Party, 1876,85*PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY, Issue 3 2008NIGEL THOMAS KEOHANE Sir Stafford Northcote has gone down in history as a man who fell short of the ultimate achievement of being prime minister largely because of personal weakness, and lack of political virility and drive. The picture painted by Northcote's political enemies , most notably the Fourth Party , has been accepted uncritically. Yet, political motives lay behind the actions of these supporters, and their harsh black and white portrait is not illustrative of the complexity of the situation in which Northcote found himself. Although individual characteristics undoubtedly played a part in his final political failure, underlying dynamics and structural transformations in politics and political life were more significant. It was more than simply the misfortune in succeeding the exceptionally charismatic Disraeli as leader. Northcote was faced with unparalleled disruption in parliament from Irish Nationalist MPs; the starkly polarised debate on the eastern question left him detached as a moderate. His temperament was better suited to constructive government rather than to opposition. However, following general election defeat in 1880, Northcote was denied this opportunity. Equally, his position in the lower House denied him the capacity to define a clear political critique of the Liberal government. Northcote's leadership of the party reflected the changing nature of British politics as radicals, tories, Irish Nationalists and Unionists increasingly contested the consensual style more appropriate to the political world of Palmerston and the 14th earl of Derby. [source] Jimmy Carter: The Re-emergence of Faith-Based Politics and the Abortion Rights IssuePRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2005ANDREW R. FLINT This article will extend the current re-evaluation of the Carter presidency through a detailed examination of the enduring impact of his evangelical Christian faith upon modern American political discourse. Carter successfully reawakened faith-based politics but, because his faith did not exactly mirror the religious and political agenda of the disparate groups that make up the religious conservative movement within the United States, that newly awakened force within American politics ultimately used its power to replace him with Ronald Reagan, a president who more carefully articulated their agenda. As this article will show, the key issue that marked the intrusion of highly contentious religious-cultural issues into the political debate was abortion. This issue was emblematic of both the engagement of religious conservatives in political life in this period and of the limitations of Carter as their authentic political agent. [source] George Washington, Presidential Term Limits, and the Problem of Reluctant Political LeadershipPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2001BRUCE G. PEABODY The widespread view of the relationship between George Washington and the American custom of limited presidential service is misconceived. Conventional popular and scholarly accounts of the "two-term tradition" confuse both Washington's position on presidential term limits and the historical contours of this custom. The American convention limiting the number of terms a president could serve emerged less from Washington's views about political service than from deep-seated anxieties about centralized governing power (and specifically executive power). These concerns, along with an enduring American ambivalence about public service (reflected in Washington's retirement), continue to shape the character of both our political life and public discourse. [source] Politics And Gastropolitics: Gender And The Power Of Food In Two African Pastoralist SocietiesTHE JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, Issue 2 2002Jon Holtzman Male-centred aspects of political behaviour have generally remained the explanatory and interpretive focuses in analyses of the social organization of African pastoralists. While recent work on African pastoralists has shed increasing light on the lives of women, I argue that key assumptions underlying anthropological models of male dominance in these societies have been insufficiently challenged. Drawing on recent approaches in gender and social organization that highlight the mutual constitution of domestic and political domains, I examine comparative material from two well-known pastoralist societies: the Samburu of northern Kenya and the Nuer of southern Sudan. In doing so, I suggest strong linkages between male-dominated ,political spheres' and areas of domestic life in which the role of women is more significant , particularly processes of domestic food distribution. In re-examining central facets of Samburu politics , which are best known through Paul Spencer's seminal analysis of the gerontocratic aspects of Samburu political life , I suggest that the status and identities of Samburu men are in fundamental ways defined through their relationship to women as providers of food within Samburu households. Comparative material from the Nuer suggests, additionally, the strategic use of food by women in influencing male ,political spheres'. In comparing these cases, I suggest a more general model through which domestic processes of food allocation as realms of female-centred social action may be seen to play a central role in the forms and processes of pastoral ,political' life. [source] Front and Back Covers, Volume 26, Number 5.ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY, Issue 5 2010October 2010 Front and back cover caption, volume 26 issue 5 Front cover RETHINKING SUICIDE BOMBING The body is a key focus for anthropological research and analysis. The cover photographs highlight the way multiple aspects of life, including political life, are mapped onto the body, and the emergence of a collective, as well as individual, identity through these experiences. The front cover shows a young Palestinian boy staring at an Israeli guard's gun, inches from his face, while waiting at the Abu Dis checkpoint in East Jerusalem. Although the scene is calm, the photograph captures an implicit violence (any step out of line can and will be punished) and reveals the daily reality of political and structural violence in the lives of Palestinians. In this image, the child can be seen as an individual who may experience personal trauma as a result of these daily encounters with violence. But he can also be seen as representing a collective Palestinian body which, under the occupation, is humiliated and forced into a childlike position, with daily decisions, including over movement, entirely in the control of Israeli forces. In her article in this issue, Natalia Linos calls on anthropology to offer a critical analysis of suicide bombing and examine the central role of the body in this act. She posits that in a context of political and structural violence that encroaches on both individual and group identity, suicide attacks may be considered an extreme form of reclaiming the violated body through self-directed violence. Through suicide attacks in public spaces, the body may be used to contest physical barriers imposed by an oppressor, resist power imbalances, and reclaim authority over one's body as well as geographical space. Back cover ASSEMBLING BODIES The back cover shows a South African ,body map', on display at the University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology (MAA) until 6 November 2010 as part of the exhibition ,Assembling bodies: Art, science and imagination', reviewed in this issue. This self-portrait by Babalwa depicts her life as an activist and epitomizes the ethical and political negotiations that surround definition and treatment of particular bodies in contemporary South Africa. Babalwa was a member of the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), which successfully campaigned for the widespread availability of antiretroviral treatment therapies. Her self-portrait is one of a series of life-sized body maps made by members of the Bambanani Womens Group in 2003, as part of a project documenting the lives of women with HIV/AIDS. The body maps and associated narratives trace the co-existence of multiple ways of understanding and experiencing bodies and disease in these women's lives. The imagery , referring to family and friends, political life, biomedical science, anatomical details, moral pollution and religious beliefs , suggests many bodies existing within a single corporeal form. In addition to revealing individual subjectivities, the body maps also highlight the shifting dynamics of sociality. Behind each self-portrait is the outline of another shadowy form, a reminder of the help received and the potential for future support. [source] The reluctant sovereign: New adventures of the US presidential Thanksgiving turkey (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)ANTHROPOLOGY TODAY, Issue 5 2010Magnus Fiskesjö This article revisits the annual US presidential ritual of pardoning a Thanksgiving turkey, and explores the changes made to the procedures since 2003, when the author's Prickly Paradigm pamphlet on the issue was published. This includes such curious developments as the turkey being retired to Disneyland in Florida instead of a nearby petting zoo; the presidential contender Sarah Palin's attempt at pardoning her own turkey, a PR disaster with a twist; the new Virginia-based movement to pardon a pig instead of a turkey; and President Obama's apparent reluctance in face of the ceremony , by now a spectacle so firmly implanted in US political life that it can no longer be dislodged. An extended interpretation is offered for just how all these developments relate to the deep-seated American ambivalence towards the place of Native Americans in the nation's history, as well as towards the position of the US as a military superpower. [source] Electoral behaviour behind the gates: partisanship and political participation among Canadian gated community residentsAREA, Issue 1 2010R. Alan Walks Gated communities have been characterised as representing processes of ,forting up' and ,civic secession', in which their residents use gating as a strategy for withdrawing from political life and from taking collective responsibility for others. The assumption is that the residents of private gated communities should be less likely to participate in political life, and/or be more likely to support political parties on the right who advocate privatisation, reduced government expenditures and lower taxes. If the act of living in a gated community is associated with either greater support for parties and policies on the right of the political spectrum, or limited political participation, then the growth of such forms of privatised communities has potential implications for the future of urban politics and even for national political systems. However, despite surveys that have dealt with social attitudes ,behind the gates', insufficient attention has been paid to the politics of gated community residents. This paper fills this gap through a comparative analysis of electoral behaviour during the 2006 federal election at the level of the polling station. Electoral participation and partisanship in 27 gated communities in three Canadian metropolitan areas is compared against that of non-gated residents. Regression analysis is conducted in order to determine whether gated community residents differ from their non-gated counterparts in the way they vote and their levels of electoral turnout, after controlling for social composition. The potential implications of this research are then discussed. [source] THE MOMENTOUS GOLD RUSHESAUSTRALIAN ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW, Issue 2 2010Geoffrey Blainey Australia; demography; gold rushes; New Zealand; resource extraction Gold discoveries in Australia in 1851 and New Zealand in 1861 galvanised the economic development of Australasia and had spillover effects in Britain, in ship technology, and even in the trans-Atlantic trade. The gold rushes quickly transformed economic, social, and political life. Moving around the continent in an anti-clockwise direction, they were to help found the northern port cities that grew to service the gold seekers. While the major strike in Western Australia in the 1890s out-produced the earlier period, Australia saw a third gold peak in the 1990s. The article surveys the contribution of the rushes to the development of Australasia. [source] Family Ties: The Political Genealogy of Shining Path's Comrade NorahBULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 2 2010JAYMIE PATRICIA HEILMAN Family was central to the political life of Augusta La Torre (or Comrade Norah), the second-in-command of the Peruvian Communist Party-Shining Path (PCP-SL). La Torre was the daughter of a Communist Party militant and the granddaughter of a prominent provincial political figure. She was also the wife of Shining Path founder Abimael Guzmán. La Torre's familial history demonstrates the importance of parental and grandparental contributions to Senderistas' political formation, and suggests that parents and children were sometimes united in their support for the Shining Path. La Torre's family ties, however, have also led numerous observers to question her revolutionary credentials. [source] The Indigenous in the Plural in Bolivian Oppositional PoliticsBULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 4 2005Robert Albro This article examines how currents of Bolivia's indigenous movement are gravitating to the city and to the centre of national political life, capitalising on popular sentiment against the political status quo, economic privatisation and violations of national sovereignty. The Movement Toward Socialism led by Evo Morales does not promote a separatist ethno-national project; instead, it uses regional, national and international coalition building to equate indigenous with non-indigenous issues through resonant political analogies that frame Bolivia's national crisis of political legitimacy in terms of indigenous rights, while making common cause with diverse urban popular sectors who, if not indigenous, recognise their indigenous cultural heritage as a crucial background to their own struggles against disenfranchisement. 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