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Political Intervention (political + intervention)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	50%
Business, Economics, Finance and Accounting	25%

Selected Abstracts

Politically-Connected Boards and the Structure of Chief Executive Officer Compensation Packages in Taiwanese Firms,

ASIA-PACIFIC JOURNAL OF FINANCIAL STUDIES, Issue 5 2010
Hsin-Yi Yu
G32; G34; J33 Abstract This paper examines the relationship between the level of political connection of the board and chief executive officer (CEO) equity-based compensation. Using a sample of Taiwanese firms, the paper provides evidence that politically connected boards grant a lower proportion of equity-based compensation to CEOs. Political intervention can reduce the proportion of equity-based compensation and, thereby, can have negative consequences for the alignment between the interests of CEOs and shareholders in firms. The findings obtained in this paper could be useful to policy-makers in emerging economies, where there is wide scope for political intervention. [source]

The Antinomies of the Postpolitical City: In Search of a Democratic Politics of Environmental Production

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2009
ERIK SWYNGEDOUW
Abstract In recent years, urban research has become increasingly concerned with the social, political and economic implications of the techno-political and socio-scientific consensus that the present unsustainable and unjust environmental conditions require a transformation of the way urban life is organized. In the article, I shall argue that the present consensual vision of the urban environment presenting a clear and present danger annuls the properly political moment and contributes to what a number of authors have defined as the emergence and consolidation of a postpolitical and postdemocratic condition. This will be the key theme developed in this contribution. First, I shall attempt to theorize and re-centre the political as a pivotal moment in urban political-ecological processes. Second, I shall argue that the particular staging of the environmental problem and its modes of management signals and helps to consolidate a postpolitical condition, one that evacuates the properly political from the plane of immanence that underpins any political intervention. The consolidation of an urban postpolitical condition runs, so I argue, parallel to the formation of a postdemocratic arrangement that has replaced debate, disagreement and dissensus with a series of technologies of governing that fuse around consensus, agreement, accountancy metrics and technocratic environmental management. In the third part, I maintain that this postpolitical consensual police order revolves decidedly around embracing a populist gesture. However, the disappearance of the political in a postpolitical arrangement leaves all manner of traces that allow for the resurfacing of the properly political. This will be the theme of the final section. I shall conclude that re-centring the political is a necessary condition for tackling questions of urban environmental justice and for creating egalibertarian socio-ecological urban assemblages. Résumé Récemment, la recherche urbaine a montré un intérêt croissant pour les implications sociales, politiques et économiques du consensus techno-politique et socio-scientifique selon lequel les conditions environnementales actuelles, non viables et injustes, exigent que soit transformé le mode d'organisation de la vie urbaine. Or, cette perspective consensuelle de l'environnement urbain soumis à un danger manifeste et réel annihile le moment véritablement politique et contribue à ce que de nombreux auteurs ont défini comme l'apparition et la consolidation d'une situation post-politique et post-démocratique. Traitant ce thème essentiel, l'article tente d'abord de conceptualiser et de recentrer le politique en tant que moment critique dans les processus politico-écologiques urbains. Ensuite, il montrera que la mise en scène particulière du problème environnemental et de ses modes de gestion indique, et aide à consolider, un état post-politique, dans lequel le véritablement politique est évacué du plan de l'immanence sous-jacent à toute intervention politique. La consolidation d'une situation post-politique urbaine se fait en parallèle à la formation d'un dispositif post-démocratique qui a remplacé débat, désaccord et dissension par une panoplie de technologies gouvernementales gravitant autour de mesures de consensus, d'accord et de responsabilité, associées à une gestion technocratique de l'environnement. Une troisième partie soutient que cet ordre policé consensuel post-politique se rapproche nettement du geste populiste. Toutefois, la disparition du politique d'un dispositif post-politique laisse toutes sortes de traces permettant la réémergence du véritablement politique. Cet aspect est au c,ur de la dernière partie. Pour conclure, le recentrage du politique est un préalable au traitement des questions de justice en matière d'environnement urbain et à la création d'assemblages urbains socio-écologiques d'égaliberté. [source]

Mechanisms of moral disengagement and their differential use by right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation in support of war

AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR, Issue 4 2010
Lydia Eckstein Jackson
Abstract Right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) are associated with the approval of war as a political intervention [McFarland, 2005]. We examined whether the effects of RWA and SDO on war support are mediated by moral-disengagement mechanisms [i.e., responsibility reduction, moral justification, minimizing consequences, and dehumanizing,blaming victims; Bandura, 1999] and whether the ideologies use the mechanisms differently. Our data were consistent with the possibility that minimizing consequences (Study 1) and moral justification (Study 2) mediate the effects of RWA and SDO on approval of war. Both ideologies were positively associated with all moral-disengagement mechanism though more strongly so for RWA. Comparisons within ideologies suggest that RWA was most strongly associated with moral justification and SDO was most strongly associated with dehumanizing,blaming victims. We discuss implications and limitations. Aggr. Behav. 36:238,250, 2010. © 2010 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source]

Latent Ghosts and the Manifesto: Baya, Breton and reading for the future

ART HISTORY, Issue 2 2003
Ranjana Khanna
Framing this article is an interest in post-colonial theory's impact on art history, and the ethical demands it has placed on that history. It explores the ways in which post-colonial studies have situated the development of disciplines in terms of their complicity with nationalist and colonialist agendas. Post-colonial theory's political intervention into art history also raises the question of the ethical limits of partisan reading and foregrounds an ethics of looking. The essay considers Surrealism and its manifesto, reading for its latent ghosts. It discusses André Breton's relation to three women: Hélène Smith, Nadja and the artist Baya Mahieddine. A responsibility to the work of this haunting figure involves an understanding of French colonial contexts, and an ethical response to this over-scripted and over-determined painter, who tends to disappear from view as her signature is tied to the art-historical terms of naivety and primitivism, the colonialist terms of Arabian mysteriousness and childishness, the psychoanalytic terms of primitive mentality, and post-independence nationalist terms of nativist representation. The demands made by Baya's paintings argue for an understanding of her as haunting yet material , a Surrealist conundrum. [source]

Politically-Connected Boards and the Structure of Chief Executive Officer Compensation Packages in Taiwanese Firms,

Effective Corporatisation Legislation: The Fundamental Issue in Port Management

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 3 2003
Sophia Everett
It is now some seven years since the restructure of Australian ports and their transformation into corporatised entities. This strategy was adopted in an endeavour to improve efficiency by distancing government from day to day operations - that element that was perceived to be the cause of sub-optimal performance. While there is widespread agreement that port performance has improved significantly, dissatisfaction persists and the belief that continued political intervention is preventing ports' commercial potential from being realised. This paper investigates these issues but argues that political intervention per se should not be the focus of research as the fundamental cause of sub-optimal performance. Rather political intervention is an effect of a more fundamental problem , an inappropriate legislative framework , and the focus of research should be on the legislation and corporatisation model in which political intervention is mandatory. [source]

The Change from Private to Public Governance of British Higher Education: Its Consequences for Higher Education Policy Making 1980,2006

HIGHER EDUCATION QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2008
Michael Shattock
This article argues that in moving from being self governed to being state governed the policy drivers for higher education are no longer those of the system itself but are derived from a set of policies designed for the reform and modernisation of the public sector of the economy. The formation of higher education policy therefore needs to be reinterpreted as an adjunct of public policy, rather than as something intrinsic to higher education. The impact of ,new public management' approaches and of political interventions are explored in illustrating the consequences of the centralisation of the management of the public services and of higher education becoming an issue in national politics. [source]

Nature, production and regulation in eighteenth-century Britain and France: the case of the leather industry*

HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 211 2008
Giorgio Riello
Leather was, in the pre-industrial economy, a scarce material used in the production of a wide range of goods. The supply of leather was influenced by the national cattle asset and its slaughtering rate. The difficulty in increasing leather production to meet the demands of a ,consumer revolution' was the subject of theoretical debates and practical intervention. The state controlled and organized the leather market through fiscal and commercial policies. This article offers a comparative analysis of the French and the British leather markets in the eighteenth century. In France, the state assumed an organizational function in the creation of a national leather market. In Britain, by contrast, the state simply regulated an existing market. These different political interventions influenced the dynamics of development of leather production and the leather trades in the two countries. While France suffered from an endemic absence of leather, Britain was able to satisfy its increasing demand efficiently. [source]

Culture theorizing past and present: trends and challenges

NURSING PHILOSOPHY, Issue 4 2010
Helen E.R. Vandenberg RN MSc (Nursing)
Abstract Over the past several decades, nurses have been increasingly theorizing about the relationships between culture, health, and nursing practice. This culture theorizing has changed over time and has recently been subject to much critical examination. The purpose of this paper is to identify the challenges impeding nurses' ability to build theory about the relationships between culture and health. Through a historical overview, I argue that continued support for the essentialist view of culture can maintain a limited view of complex race relations. I also argue that attempts to apply culture theory, without knowledge of important historical, political, and economic factors, has often resulted in oversimplified versions of what was originally intended. Furthermore, I argue that individual-level interventions alone will be insufficient to address health inequities related to culture. Despite new critical conceptualizations of culture and the uptake of cultural safety, nursing scholars must better address the broader organizational, population, and political interventions needed to address inequities in health. I conclude with suggestions for how nurses might proceed with culture theorizing given these challenges. [source]

Social Change, Values and Political Agency: The Case of the Third Way

POLITICS, Issue 1 2004
Will Leggett
The third way is based on both sociological claims about a changed world, and normative propositions about appropriate conduct within that world. Four types of claim concerning the relationship between social change and political values are identified within third way advocacy. In each case, the degree of political agency implied is assessed. This ranges from a position which minimises the room for political interventions in the face of social change, to one which gives primacy to the role of political values. A successful third way project, or alternative, needs not only to be grounded in contemporary social change, but also to show how to steer it. [source]

Towards a feminist geopolitics

THE CANADIAN GEOGRAPHER/LE GEOGRAPHE CANADIEN, Issue 2 2001
JENNIFER HYNDMAN
The intersections and conversations between feminist geography and political geography have been surprisingly few. The notion of a feminist geopolitics remains undeveloped in geography. This paper aims to create a theoretical and practical space in which to articulate a feminist geopolitics. Feminist geopolitics is not an alternative theory of geopolitics, nor the ushering in of a new spatial order, but is an approach to global issues with feminist politics in mind. ,Feminist' in this context refers to analyses and political interventions that address the unequal and often violent relationships among people based on real or perceived differences. Building upon the literature from critical geopolitics, feminist international relations, and transnational feminist studies, I develop a framework for feminist political engagement. The paper interrogates concepts of human security and juxtaposes them with state security, arguing for a more accountable, embodied, and responsive notion of geopolitics. A feminist geopolitics is sought by examining politics at scales other than that of the nation-state; by challenging the public/private divide at a global scale; and by analyzing the politics of mobility for perpetrators of crimes against humanity. As such, feminist geopolitics is a critical approach and a contingent set of political practices operating at scales finer and coarser than the nation-state. [source]

Neo-Hymesian linguistic ethnography in the United Kingdom

JOURNAL OF SOCIOLINGUISTICS, Issue 5 2007
Ben Rampton
This paper describes the development of ,linguistic ethnography' in Britain over the last 5,15 years. British anthropology tends to overlook language, and instead, the U.K. Linguistic Ethnography Forum (LEF) has emerged from socio- and applied linguistics, bringing together a number of formative traditions (inter alia, Interactional Sociolinguistics, New Literacy Studies and Critical Discourse Analysis). The career paths and the institutional positions of LEF participants make their ethnography more a matter of getting analytic distance on what's close-at-hand than a process of getting familiar with the strange. When linked with post-structuralism more generally, this ,from-inside-outwards' trajectory produces analytic sensibilities tuned to discourse analysis as a method, doubtful about ,comprehensive' and ,exotic' ethnography, and well disposed to practical/political intervention. LE sits comfortably in the much broader shift from mono- to inter-disciplinarity in British higher education, though the inter-disciplinary environment makes it hard to take the relationship between linguistics and ethnography for granted. [source]