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Political Ideology (political + ideology)
Selected AbstractsHow Zaynab Became the First Arabic NovelHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 1 2009Elliott Colla This paper is part of a History Compass conference cluster tracing the formation of national culture in Egypt. Guest edited by Walter Armbrust, this cluster of articles was originally part of a conference in Oxford on January 12,13, 2007, organized by Walter Armbrust, Ronald Nettler, and Lucie Ryzova, and funded by the Middle East Centre (St. Antony's), The Faculty of Oriental Studies, The Khalid bin ,Abdullah Al-Sa'ud Professorship (Professor Clive Holes), and The Centre for Political Ideologies. The cluster is made up of the following articles: Guest Editor: Walter Armbrust ,The Formation of National Culture in Egypt in the Interwar Period: Cultural Trajectories', Walter Armbrust, History Compass 6 (2008), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2008.00571.x,Repackaging the Egyptian Monarchy: Faruq in the Public Spotlight, 1936,1939', Matthew Ellis, History Compass 6 (2008), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2008.00572.x,How Zaynab Became the First Arabic Novel', Elliott Colla, History Compass 6 (2008), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2008.00573.x,Women in the Singing Business, Women in Songs', Frédéric Lagrange, History Compass 6 (2008), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2008.00574.x,Long Live Patriarchy: Love in the Time of ,Abd al-Wahhab', Walter Armbrust, History Compass 6 (2008), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2008.00575.x,Football as National Allegory: Al-Ahram and the Olympics in 1920s Egypt', Shaun Lopez, History Compass 6 (2008), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2008.00576.x,The Professional Worldview of the Effendi Historian', Yoav Di-Capua, History Compass 6 (2008), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2008.00577.x Despite a long-standing critical consensus that Muhammad Husayn Haykal's 1914 novel Zaynab was the first ,mature' Arabic novel, there is much evidence to the contrary. First, in terms of genre, Zaynab was not the first book calling itself by the term that later critics would call ,novel'; second, in terms of the bibliographic record, it was not a unique book on the cultural market in 1914; third, in terms of literary style, it was not at the time a particularly unique formal or thematic experiment in prose fiction; and finally, in terms of reception, it was not recognized as significant even by the small market segment and cultural field in which it initially appeared. This article revisits this critical debate and suggests that the canonization of Zaynab as the first Arabic novel cannot be explained by the work itself, but rather by subsequent developments , most especially, in the film adaptations of the novel and in the nationalization of university curricula during the Nasserist period. [source] The Relationship between Cultural Values and Political Ideology, and the Role of Political KnowledgePOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 1 2009Kristy E. H. Michaud Cultural theory maintains that four worldviews,egalitarianism, individualism, hierarchicalism, and fatalism,can be used to describe people and societies. We examine survey measures of two of those worldviews,egalitarianism and individualism,to understand their relationship with belief systems. Contrary to what one might expect based on the cultural theory literature, we find that people with low levels of political knowledge seem not to have coherent worldviews regarding these issues. In contrast, people with high levels of political knowledge respond to egalitarianism and individualism questions as if they were opposite ends of a single, liberal-conservative continuum, rather than two of four distinct worldviews. We conclude that cultural theory researchers should take account of the influence of political knowledge whenever they investigate worldviews. [source] Redeeming Apartheid's Legacy: Collective Guilt, Political Ideology, and CompensationPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 3 2008Bert Klandermans This paper reports two studies among white South African students on feelings of collective guilt about apartheid and attitudes to affirmative action. Study 1 reports on 21 in-depth interviews, Study 2 on results from 180 survey questionnaires. Substantial proportions of the participants in both studies displayed feelings of collective guilt. Among participants in both studies who identified strongly with white South Africans, some displayed strong feelings of collective guilt while others displayed no such feelings. Our survey data suggest that political ideology functions as a moderator. Strong feelings of guilt were found among students who identified strongly with white South Africans and defined themselves as liberals. If they defined themselves as conservatives then no feelings of collective guilt were observed. Strong feelings of collective guilt were accompanied by positive attitudes toward affirmative action. The influence of political ideology on attitudes toward affirmative action was mediated by collective guilt. [source] The Church in the Republic: Gallicanism and Political Ideology in Renaissance France.THE HEYTHROP JOURNAL, Issue 1 2008By Jotham Parsons No abstract is available for this article. [source] Political ideology, helping mechanisms and empowerment of mental health self-help/mutual aid groupsJOURNAL OF COMMUNITY & APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2002Eleni Hatzidimitriadou Abstract Self-help/mutual aid groups share common attributes such as they are peer-led, address a common problem or condition, have a voluntary character and little or no connection with professionals. However, these groups may vary according to their political ideology and focus on personal or/and societal change. This study examines the role of political ideology of self-help/mutual aid groups and differences in psychosocial characteristics of group members. Fourteen mental health self-help/mutual aid groups in England were studied. On the basis of stated aims and principles and following semi-structured interviews with group leaders (facilitators/chairpersons), these were classified according to Emerick's typology as conservative (eight groups), combined (three groups), and radical (three groups). Group members (n,=,67) completed questionnaires to assess personal empowerment, mental wellbeing, social networks and support, group identification and helping processes in the groups. Findings suggested that all self-help group members experienced a large number of naturally occurring helping process and felt empowered whilst they shared limited social networks and support and marginal mental wellbeing. Different ideological types of self-help groups may be related to specific helping processes and particular aspects of personal empowerment. Specifically, members of conservative and combined groups reported more expressive group processes like sharing of feelings and self-disclosure, while radical group members reported more optimism/control over their lives. Furthermore, group identification was associated with specific helping processes and aspects of personal empowerment in the three group categories. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Feminism in the Grips of a Pincer Attack,Traditionalism, liberalism, and globalismINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF JAPANESE SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2005Yumiko Ehara Abstract:, The dichotomy of individualism versus collectivism is one of the pivots around which political ideologies in postwar Japanese society can be broken down. Many people had thought that what postwar Japan needed was the development of modern individuals who represented a departure from feudalistic thinking. Against the backdrop of uncertainties related to employment and life in general engendered by a prolonged economic stagnation and globalism, Japanese society in the twenty-first century is being pounded by a tempest of neoliberalism and neoconservatism. In the midst of this storm, ideas advocating social policies that promote gender equality are being dismantled by both of these forces. This is because the power of traditionalism as a force for asserting a revisionist ideology in modern Japanese society primarily constitutes the power of neoconservatism, which embraces neoliberalism with a view to revitalizing the free economy through the elimination of social welfare and the intensification of free competition. In order to establish formidable economic competitiveness, neoliberalism and neoconservatism (neoliberalism = neoconservatism) reject domestic systems geared towards labor protection (deregulation) and extol familism and nationalism as means to bringing social unrest under control through the mobilization of the labor force (traditionalism). However, the habitual way of thinking that places traditionalism and liberalism in a dichotomous pivot remains ingrained within us even now. Because globalization reinforces social mobility, these two positions will continue to gain strength even as they conflict with each other. With feminism in the grips of a pincer attack, the movement will struggle to maintain its breath. [source] From ,part of,' to ,partnership': the changing relationship between nurse education and the National Health ServiceNURSING INQUIRY, Issue 3 2010Karen Gillett GILLETT K,. Nursing Inquiry 2010; 17: 197,207 From ,part of,' to ,partnership': the changing relationship between nurse education and the National Health Service Worldwide, many countries have moved towards incorporating nurse education into the higher education sector and this inevitably has implications for the relationship between nurse education providers and local health service providers. This study explores the changes to the relationship in the UK between nurse education providers and the UK National Health Service over the past 20 years and demonstrates how two political ideologies have been central to those changes. The two ideologies of interest are the introduction of internal markets to the National Health Service by the Conservative government at the end of the 1980s and the New Labour response to the fragmentation of public services caused by Conservative neoliberal policy, which was to introduce the notion of ,partnership working'. This study reviews the wider debate around partnership policy and applies that debate to evaluate the way that nurse education providers and the National Health Service are working in partnership to provide clinical practice placements for nursing students. [source] State Policy, Economic Crisis, Gender, and Family Ties: Determinants of Family Remittances to CubaECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY, Issue 1 2004Sarah A. Blue Abstract: This article advances the argument that changing economic conditions in the home country act as an important determinant for sending remittances. Research on the determinants of remittances has tended to focus on the characteristics of the sending population. In the case of Cuba, disproportionate attention is paid to political disincentives to send remittances and not enough to changing state policy and the growing economic demand for remittances in that country. Using empirical data gathered from households in Havana, this article tests the importance of economic conditions in the home country, political ideology, the relationship of the sender to the receiver, the length of time away from home, and gender as determinants for remittances. Migration during an economic crisis, having immediate relatives in the home country, and female gender positively influenced remittance behavior for Cuban emigrants. Visits to the home country, especially for migrants who had left decades earlier, were found to be critical for reestablishing family connections and increasing remittances. No support was found for political disincentives as a major determinant of remittance sending to Cuba. [source] Would you like to shrink the welfare state?ECONOMIC POLICY, Issue 32 2001A survey of European citizens The fundamental problems facing European welfare states , high unemployment and unsustainable public pensions plans in particular , have been in the political debate for years, so why have we seen so little reform? To find out, we surveyed the opinions of citizens in France, Germany, Italy and Spain on their welfare states and on various reform options. This is what we found. First, most workers underestimate the costs of public pensions, though they are aware of their unsustainability. Second, the status quo is a majoritarian outcome: a majority of citizens opposes cuts to social security and welfare spending, but also opposes further increases. Since population ageing without reform implies an automatic expansion, our results suggest that most citizens would favour reforms that stabilize but do not shrink the current welfare states. Third, many would welcome changes in the allocation of benefits. A large number of workers in Italy and Germany would be willing to opt out of public pensions and replace them with private pensions, though the details of how this scheme is formulated matter for its popularity. And many Italians and Spaniards would welcome an extension of the coverage of unemployment insurance. Fourth, conflicts over the welfare state are mainly shaped by the economic situation of the respondent, while political ideology plays a limited role. Disagreements are found along three dimensions: young versus old, rich versus poor, and ,outsider' versus ,insider' in terms of labour market status. From a practical point of view, this suggests that there is scope to bundle reforms strategically in order to build a large and mixed coalition of supporters. , Tito Boeri, Axel Börsch-Supan and Guido Tabellini [source] Understanding public attitudes towards Social SecurityINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WELFARE, Issue 2 2006Philip Yang There has been very little research on why individuals hold different attitudes toward Social Security. In this article we integrate social location theory and political predisposition theory to provide a framework of explanation and test these theories using a unique sample from the 1998 General Social Survey. Our multivariate results reveal that social structural positions along the lines of race, gender, class and age play a more important role than political predispositions in explain-ing individual differences in support for the current Social Security system against privatisation. Political party affiliation also partly contributes to variation in support for Social Security, but political ideology does not have a significant effect. Our results suggest that with regard to support for Social Security, primary consideration must rest on social structural positions. Racial minorities, women, the poor and the elderly tend to dislike a drastic change in the current Social Security system, and Social Security reform ought to pay attention to their concerns. Our robust finding of a positive relationship between age and support for Social Security also challenges much of the established knowledge, pointing to an intergenerational discord over Social Security. It is also important to differentiate among social welfare programmes in order to uncover the real determinants of public attitudes towards them. [source] When a man hits a woman: moral evaluations and reporting violence to the policeAGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR, Issue 6 2009Richard B. Felson Abstract We use experimental data from a nationally representative sample to examine whether gender and the victim's relationship to the offender affect attitudes about the seriousness of the offense and whether the offense should be reported to the police. We find that respondents are particularly likely to condemn men's assaults on women, and to favor reporting them. The pattern appears to reflect both greater moral condemnation of men's assaults on women and the belief that the victims of these assaults are in greater danger. In general, moral judgments and attitudes toward reporting do not depend on the gender, age, level of education, or political ideology of the respondent. Condemnation of men's violence against women, and support for police intervention when it occurs, are apparently widespread across different segments of the population. Aggr. Behav. 35:477,488, 2009. © 2009 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [source] Political ideology, helping mechanisms and empowerment of mental health self-help/mutual aid groupsJOURNAL OF COMMUNITY & APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2002Eleni Hatzidimitriadou Abstract Self-help/mutual aid groups share common attributes such as they are peer-led, address a common problem or condition, have a voluntary character and little or no connection with professionals. However, these groups may vary according to their political ideology and focus on personal or/and societal change. This study examines the role of political ideology of self-help/mutual aid groups and differences in psychosocial characteristics of group members. Fourteen mental health self-help/mutual aid groups in England were studied. On the basis of stated aims and principles and following semi-structured interviews with group leaders (facilitators/chairpersons), these were classified according to Emerick's typology as conservative (eight groups), combined (three groups), and radical (three groups). Group members (n,=,67) completed questionnaires to assess personal empowerment, mental wellbeing, social networks and support, group identification and helping processes in the groups. Findings suggested that all self-help group members experienced a large number of naturally occurring helping process and felt empowered whilst they shared limited social networks and support and marginal mental wellbeing. Different ideological types of self-help groups may be related to specific helping processes and particular aspects of personal empowerment. Specifically, members of conservative and combined groups reported more expressive group processes like sharing of feelings and self-disclosure, while radical group members reported more optimism/control over their lives. Furthermore, group identification was associated with specific helping processes and aspects of personal empowerment in the three group categories. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] The Shifting Sands of Punishment in China in the Era of "Harmonious Society"LAW & POLICY, Issue 3 2010SUSAN TREVASKES This article about the politics of punishment in China today follows some of the political machinations involved in the development of a new policy called "Balancing Leniency and Severity." It treats this new policy as an exemplar of how politics works in the Hu Jintao era to change the way crimes are addressed in judicial decision making. This paper underscores the important ways in which political ideology informs criminal justice policy and practice in China. It examines a number of stages of development within the last decade during which Balancing Leniency and Severity has emerged as a foundational criminal justice policy. [source] Redeeming Apartheid's Legacy: Collective Guilt, Political Ideology, and CompensationPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 3 2008Bert Klandermans This paper reports two studies among white South African students on feelings of collective guilt about apartheid and attitudes to affirmative action. Study 1 reports on 21 in-depth interviews, Study 2 on results from 180 survey questionnaires. Substantial proportions of the participants in both studies displayed feelings of collective guilt. Among participants in both studies who identified strongly with white South Africans, some displayed strong feelings of collective guilt while others displayed no such feelings. Our survey data suggest that political ideology functions as a moderator. Strong feelings of guilt were found among students who identified strongly with white South Africans and defined themselves as liberals. If they defined themselves as conservatives then no feelings of collective guilt were observed. Strong feelings of collective guilt were accompanied by positive attitudes toward affirmative action. The influence of political ideology on attitudes toward affirmative action was mediated by collective guilt. [source] Determinants of Human Rights Attitudes and Behavior: A Comparison and Integration of Psychological PerspectivesPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2007J. Christopher Cohrs Following several political-psychological approaches, the present research analyzed whether orientations toward human rights are a function of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), basic human values in the sense of Schwartz (1992), and political ideology. Three dimensions of human rights attitudes (endorsement, restriction, and enforcement) were differentiated from human rights knowledge and behavior. In a time-lagged Internet survey (N = 479), using structural equation modeling, RWA, universalism and power values, and political ideology (measured at Time 1) differentially predicted dimensions of human rights attitudes (measured at Time 2 five months later). RWA and universalism values also predicted self-reported human rights behavior, with the effects mediated through human rights endorsement. Human rights knowledge also predicted behavior. The psychological roots of positive and negative orientations toward human rights, consequences for human rights education, and the particular role of military enforcement of human rights are discussed. [source] Getting Older, Getting Wiser?POLITICS & POLICY, Issue 3 2003The Impact of Aging on Candidate Evaluation Domain-specific measures, such as political ideology and sophistication, have been used in models of how citizens evaluate candidates for political office. Non-domain-specific factors, such as age, may have additional explanatory power in models of evaluations and affect the type of information processing strategies employed by citizens. Specifically, the use of person- and issue-based information in evaluation strategies may be affected by the cognitive structure of aging, including the acquisition of person impression skills and resources. We test this hypothesis using the Pooled Senate Election Study (1988,92) and the 1974 American National Election Study. The analysis reveals that younger citizens base their evaluations mostly on issue-based criteria, but as citizens age they add person-based criteria to their evaluations. Implications for decision-making models are discussed. [source] Does Political Ideology Moderate Stress: The Special Case of Soldiers Conducting Forced EvacuationAMERICAN JOURNAL OF ORTHOPSYCHIATRY, Issue 2 2007Tomer Shechner MA This study examined the moderating role of political ideology on psychological outcomes for Israeli soldiers participating in the forced evacuation of Jewish settlements from Gaza. Change in psychopathology and well-being was assessed for 3 concurrent mission groups differing in their political ideological contentiousness,forced evacuation, Gaza security, and Northern border security. After soldiers in each mission group were classified on the basis of relatively left- or right-wing political ideological tendencies, the authors examined differential impact of each mission on soldiers of differing political ideology. Results confirmed strong moderation effects of political ideology on psychological outcomes in these extreme contexts. Implications for research, prevention, and treatment are discussed. [source] Hatred of "Others" Among Jewish, Arab, and Palestinian Students in IsraelANALYSES OF SOCIAL ISSUES & PUBLIC POLICY, Issue 1 2002Dahlia Moore This study analyzes hatred against diverse sociopolitical groups and compares the social and political attitudes of three distinct and highly differentiated groups: Jewish, Arab, and Palestinian high school students in Israel and the Palestinian Authority. It examines their perceptions of the political context and aims to find the factors that influence the extremity of their hatred. Analysis of the data shows that the proposed model is more applicable to Jewish students than it is to Arabs and Palestinians, and shows that hatred toward outgroups is influenced by religiosity, the salience of national and civic identity, national security issues, and political ideology. [source] Determinants of Voter Support for a Five-Year Ban on the Cultivation of Genetically Modified Crops in SwitzerlandJOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS, Issue 3 2008Felix Schläpfer D62; D72; Q26 Abstract While much effort has been devoted to estimating market premiums for non-genetically modified (GM) food, the results of such research are largely silent about the preferences for the public good aspects, or externalities, of GM food production. For public goods, the closest substitute of private consumption decisions is voting on referenda. In November 2005, 55.7% of 2 million Swiss voters approved a five-year moratorium (ban) on the commercial cultivation of GM plants in Switzerland. The present study examines how individual voting decisions were determined by: (i) socioeconomic characteristics; (ii) political preference/ideology; and (iii) agreement with a series of arguments in favour and against the use of GM plants in Swiss agriculture. The analysis is based on the data of the regular voter survey undertaken after the national-level voting in Switzerland. The results suggest that current concerns about the use of genetically engineered plants in agriculture may not automatically decrease with higher levels of education/knowledge and generational change. Furthermore, analysis of voter motives suggests that public support for a ban on GM crops may be even larger in other countries, where industrial interests in crop biotechnology are less pronounced. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||