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Political Environment (political + environment)
Selected AbstractsDynamics of Interpersonal Political Environment and Party Identification: Longitudinal Studies of Voting in Japan and New ZealandPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2005Ken'ichi Ikeda The dynamical systems theory of groups claims that interpersonal political environment and party identification are dynamically interrelated to provide heuristics under uncertainty. Panel data over the course of a year examined the longitudinal dynamics between social networks, social identifications, and voting behavior among a national sample of registered voters in Japan and a regional sample in Wellington, New Zealand. Respondents with more stable party identification had greater stability in the political preferences of their interpersonal network in both countries; moreover, stability in party identification was predicted by interpersonal political environment and older age in both countries. Stability of party identification predicted voting consistency in both countries, whereas stability of interpersonal political environment made an independent contribution to voting consistency in Japan only. There were cultural differences in levels of interpersonal political environment stability, but the amount of political discussion and ideological stability did not make independent contributions to any of the three main variables. Results provided support for the dynamical systems theory of groups. [source] The Presidency and the Political EnvironmentPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2001JOHN H. KESSEL For a White House staff to be successful, it must adapt to the work style of its own president and to the needs of the external institutions with which the president has continuing relations. This dual adaptation allows the staff to stabilize the White House in a stormy political environment. Examples are given of adaptations to the work styles of Presidents Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush, and Clinton. Examples are also provided of adaptations to the needs of Congress, the press, and those engaged in foreign policy, economics, domestic policy, and the law. The requirements of understanding various professional vocabularies and coordinating staff units are noted. [source] A Structural Model of Government FormationECONOMETRICA, Issue 1 2003Daniel Diermeier In this paper we estimate a bargaining model of government formation in parliamentary democracies. We use the estimated structural model to conduct constitutional experiments aimed at evaluating the impact of institutional features of the political environment on the duration of the government formation process, the type of coalitions that form, and their relative stability. [source] More Open but Not More Trusted?GOVERNANCE, Issue 4 2010The Effect of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 on the United Kingdom Central Government This article examines the impact of Britain's Freedom of Information (FOI) Act 2000 on British central government. The article identifies six objectives for FOI in the United Kingdom and then examines to what extent FOI has met them, briefly comparing the United Kingdom with similar legislation in Ireland, New Zealand, Australia, and Canada. It concludes that FOI has achieved the core objectives of increasing transparency and accountability, though the latter only in particular circumstances, but not the four secondary objectives: improved decision-making by government, improved public understanding, increased participation, and trust in government. This is not because the Act has "failed" but because the objectives were overly ambitious and FOI is shaped by the political environment in which it is placed. [source] The Limits of ,Securitization': Power, Politics and Process in US Foreign Economic PolicyGOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 2 2007Nicola Phillips The concept of ,securitization' has become particularly influential in the post-9/11 world. This paper aims to scrutinize and, ultimately, reject an emerging set of claims about political economy which draw upon this framework. The contention that US foreign economic policy is increasingly subject to a process of securitization misrepresents the substance of contemporary US foreign policy, the political environment in which it is articulated and the process by which it is made. Pursuing this argument, the paper sets out a framework within which to understand the evolution of contemporary US policy, paying attention to distinctive forms of the economic,security nexus; the form of ,ad hoc reactivism' that has consistently characterized US foreign economic policy; the set of commercial and wider economic goals to which policy responds; and the dynamics of competition for leadership in key regions. [source] The External Pressures on the Internal Governance of UniversitiesHIGHER EDUCATION QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2002Brian Salter Governance is a means for realising institutional goals and in an ideal world should enable the institution to respond to the demands of the political environment by regulating its internal affairs accordingly. In the case of universities, not only is that environment increasingly differentiated but so also is the ability of universities to access it. Changes in state funding arrangements, accountability mechanisms, the contribution of the private sector, and the public definition of university education have placed numerous and varied pressures on institutions. Yet there is a studied reluctance by institutions to accept that their ability to respond to these pressures is equally variable, that they should tailor their ambitions to their capacities, and that their internal governance should be adapted using the principle of fitness for purpose. In the main, this is because the dominant ideological themes of higher education do not support the idea of distinct university functions of equal status. Rather, they encourage the erroneous belief that all universities are homogeneous in their functions , or, at least, that all have the potential to be homogeneous. [source] The rise and fall of social partnership in postsocialist Europe: the Commonwealth of Independent StatesINDUSTRIAL RELATIONS JOURNAL, Issue 6 2006Vadim Borisov ABSTRACT Traditional trade unions throughout the postsocialist world embraced ,social partnership' as a means to secure their institutional survival in a radically changed economic and political environment. The commitment of national governments to social partnership ebbed and flowed through the 1990s, but it was confirmed, at least rhetorically, in Central and Eastern Europe by the prospect and requirements of accession to the European Union. This article explores the fate of social partnership in the ,other half' of Europe, the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States, where social dialogue has largely been abandoned and trade unions alternatively marginalised or subordinated to the state apparatus. [source] Internal Audit Departments: Adoption and Characteristics in Italian CompaniesINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AUDITING, Issue 2 2007Marika Arena This article analyses the adoption and characteristics of internal audit departments in Italian companies, in the light of recent changes in the economic and political environment following the big financial scandals which occurred both in Italy and abroad. The research framework is informed by new institutional theory, driving the definition of a conceptual model. The research approach comprises two steps: first, a preliminary in-depth case study to support the research design (assessment of relevant variables and questionnaire's construction); second, an extensive survey involving 364 Italian companies, with a response rate of 63%. The article highlights an actual diffusion of internal audit structures among Italian companies. Data collected show increasing attention towards internal audit activities, resources and competencies and highlight the relevance of isomorphic pressures in influencing companies' support of internal auditing. [source] A New Era of Minimal Effects?JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 1 2010A Response to Bennett, Iyengar This article takes up Bennett and Iyengar's (2008) call for debate about the future of political communication effects research. We outline 4 key criticisms. First, Bennett and Iyengar are too quick to dismiss the importance of attitude reinforcement, long recognized as an important type of political media influence. Second, the authors take too narrow a view of the sources of political information, remaining fixated on news. Third, they offer an incomplete portrayal of selective exposure, exaggerating the extent to which individuals avoid attitude-discrepant information. Finally, they lean toward determinism when describing the role technologies play in shaping our political environment. In addition, we challenge Bennett and Iyengar's assertion that only brand new theory can serve to help researchers understand today's political communication landscape. We argue that existing tools, notably the Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM), retain much utility for examining political media effects. Contrary to Bennett and Iyengar's claims, the ELM suggests that the contemporary political information environment does not necessarily lead to minimal effects. [source] The four Ps of corporate political activity: a framework for environmental analysis and corporate actionJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2009Nicolas M. Dahan In this paper, I propose a new integrated framework which may be used to conduct a thorough analysis of a firm's political environment. The four steps of the methodology include the problem (how a political problem emerges and can be shaped by actors), the procedure (the public decision-making procedure), the policies (relevant public policies currently implemented) and the players (including policy-makers as well as participants in the political debate). Together, they form what I call the ,Four Ps of corporate political activity'. This framework can serve not only for environmental analysis and monitoring, but also to improve the effectiveness of a firm's attempts in the field of political influence, through actions such as arena selection, issue framing, the use of procedural opportunities, proactive negotiation of a compromise or gate-keeping the political arena. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] The public issue life cycle and corporate political actions in China's transitional environment: a case of real estate industryJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2008Zhilong Tian Based on the ,structured content analysis' of the longitudinal data from a journal of Chinese real estate industry during last 11 years, this paper studies the nature of public issue life cycle and corresponding corporate political actions (CPAs) in a transitional economy. This paper finds out that in a transitional economy like China: (1) a new stage called ,policy trial' and double steps of policy introduction were found in the public issue life cycle; (2) the possible outcomes of Chinese public issues are partially consistent with Tombari's arguments; (3) the evolution of CPAs takes a more complex and different path compared with that in the West. In general, this paper provides an available research perspective (the public issue life cycle model) for firms to manage and monitor their external political environment by effectively developing CPAs in a transitional economy. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] ,Family Businesses Distributing America's Beverage': managing government relations in the National Beer Wholesalers AssociationJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 3 2003Conor McGrath Abstract Over the past decade, America's National Beer Wholesalers Association (NBWA) has transformed itself from an organisation lacking much political influence into one of the most powerful interest groups on Capitol Hill. The NBWA has been described as "the toughest lobby you never heard of" (Birnbaum 1998: 148). Its strategy over this period provides an ideal case study of how to manage government relations within a trade association. It demonstrates the importance of establishing and implementing a measurable strategy, maximising the impact of a range of lobbying tools and leveraging the political environment to operate as effectively as possible. Senator Ben Nelson (Dem, Nebraska) has stated that, ,NBWA is one of the most effective trade associations in Washington DC, with a staff that is savvy to the public relations and marketing strategies required to be influential on Capitol Hill' (Nelson 2001). Indeed, the fact that the NBWA's government relations programme is so explicitly based upon marketing principles is unusual from a British perspective; even in the American context, the strategy is executed particularly effectively. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications [source] Policy implementation: Implications for evaluationNEW DIRECTIONS FOR EVALUATION, Issue 124 2009Amy DeGroff Policy implementation reflects a complex change process where government decisions are transformed into programs, procedures, regulations, or practices aimed at social betterment. Three factors affecting contemporary implementation processes are explored: networked governance, sociopolitical context and the democratic turn, and new public management. This frame of reference invites evaluators to consider challenges present when evaluating macrolevel change processes, such as the inherent complexity of health and social problems, multiple actors with variable degrees of power and influence, and a political environment that emphasizes accountability. The evaluator requires a deep and cogent understanding of the health or social issues involved; strong analysis and facilitation skills to deal with a multiplicity of values, interests, and agendas; and a comprehensive toolbox of evaluation approaches and methods, including network analysis to assess and track the interconnectedness of key champions (and saboteurs) who might affect intervention effects and sustainability. © Wiley Periodicals, Inc., and the American Evaluation Association. [source] Integrating evaluation units into the political environment of government: The role of evaluation policyNEW DIRECTIONS FOR EVALUATION, Issue 123 2009Eleanor Chelimsky Most discussions of evaluation policy focus on the substance and process of doing evaluations. However, doing evaluations in government requires careful consideration not only of evaluation but also of the larger political structure into which it is expected to fit. I argue in this chapter that success for evaluation in government depends as much on the political context within which evaluation operates as it does on the merits of the evaluation process itself. For convenience, I divide the contextual governmental pressures on evaluation into three kinds: those stemming from the overarching structure of our democracy, those stemming from the bureaucratic climate of a particular agency, and those stemming from the dominant professional culture within that agency. I then examine how those three kinds of pressures have, in my experience, affected the independence, credibility, and ethical position of the evaluation units and evaluators concerned. Finally, I offer some suggestions for evaluation policy in the hope of avoiding a repetition of past evaluative failures that resulted either from unawareness of political relationships in government or from the inability of small evaluation units to protect their work in the face of much more powerful political forces. © Wiley Periodicals, Inc. [source] Contextual Sources of AmbivalencePOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 5 2008Luke Keele When will people become ambivalent about politics? One possibility is that the roots of ambivalence lie within the individual, with differences in political knowledge and attitude strength predicting whether a person internalizes the conflicts of politics. Alternately, attitudinal ambivalence could result from structural differences in the way political choices are presented in the wider political environment. We explore the degree to which different environments promote or limit ambivalence using a matching approach in conjunction with a set of multilevel models. We find that campaign environments can induce candidate ambivalence. In presidential elections, campaign efforts promote ambivalence most when competition between partisan campaign efforts is high. In House elections, campaign spending has a direct effect on levels of candidate ambivalence, where a candidate's spending decreases ambivalence about that candidate and increases ambivalence about opponents. [source] Party Identification in Emotional and Political Context: A ReplicationPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2007Francis Neely While testing an affective measure of party identification Burden and Klofstad (2005) found that using the phrase, "feel that you are," in place of, "think of yourself as," significantly shifted PID in a Republican direction. I adopt the theoretical framework of Affective Intelligence (Marcus, Neuman, & MacKuen, 2000) to specify how the timing of their question-wording experiment may have influenced the results. I suggest that the outcome was a function of (a) anxiety present during the survey, which ran just after 9/11 of 2001, coupled with (b) a political environment that favored Republicans. In a 2005 survey I replicate the experiment and collect new measures with which to test expectations. I find no significant shift in PID, and provisional support for the Affective Intelligence explanation. The results validate Burden and Klofstad's measure, qualify their findings, and test the application of the theory of Affective Intelligence to party dispositions. Alternative explanations and directions for further research are discussed. [source] Dynamics of Interpersonal Political Environment and Party Identification: Longitudinal Studies of Voting in Japan and New ZealandPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2005Ken'ichi Ikeda The dynamical systems theory of groups claims that interpersonal political environment and party identification are dynamically interrelated to provide heuristics under uncertainty. Panel data over the course of a year examined the longitudinal dynamics between social networks, social identifications, and voting behavior among a national sample of registered voters in Japan and a regional sample in Wellington, New Zealand. Respondents with more stable party identification had greater stability in the political preferences of their interpersonal network in both countries; moreover, stability in party identification was predicted by interpersonal political environment and older age in both countries. Stability of party identification predicted voting consistency in both countries, whereas stability of interpersonal political environment made an independent contribution to voting consistency in Japan only. There were cultural differences in levels of interpersonal political environment stability, but the amount of political discussion and ideological stability did not make independent contributions to any of the three main variables. Results provided support for the dynamical systems theory of groups. [source] Do Women Make a Difference?POLITICS, Issue 2 2000Catherine Bochel Using qualitative interviews the authors analyse how women politicians at local and national level are impacting upon politics and the policy-making process and how this is affecting the nature of the political environment. [source] The Presidency and the Political EnvironmentPRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2001JOHN H. KESSEL For a White House staff to be successful, it must adapt to the work style of its own president and to the needs of the external institutions with which the president has continuing relations. This dual adaptation allows the staff to stabilize the White House in a stormy political environment. Examples are given of adaptations to the work styles of Presidents Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush, and Clinton. Examples are also provided of adaptations to the needs of Congress, the press, and those engaged in foreign policy, economics, domestic policy, and the law. The requirements of understanding various professional vocabularies and coordinating staff units are noted. [source] OF POLITICS AND PURPOSE: POLITICAL SALIENCE AND GOAL AMBIGUITY OF US FEDERAL AGENCIESPUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 3 2009JUNG WOOK LEE As scholars have observed, government agencies have ambiguous goals. Very few large sample empirical studies, however, have tested such assertions and analysed variations among organizations in the characteristics of their goals. Researchers have developed concepts of organizational goal ambiguity, including ,evaluative goal ambiguity', and ,priority goal ambiguity', and found that these goal ambiguity variables related meaningfully to financial publicness (the degree of government funding versus prices or user charges), regulatory responsibility, and other variables. This study analyses the influence of the external political environment (external political authorities and processes) on goal ambiguity in government agencies; many researchers have analysed external influences on government bureaucracies, but very few have examined the effects on the characteristics of the organizations, such as their goals. This analysis of 115 US federal agencies indicates that higher ,political salience' to Congress, the president, and the media, relates to higher levels of goal ambiguity. A newly developed analytical framework for the analysis includes components for external environmental influences, organizational characteristics, and managerial influences, with new variables that represent components of the framework. Higher levels of political salience relate to higher levels of both types of goal ambiguity; components of the framework, however, relate differently to evaluative goal ambiguity than to priority goal ambiguity. The results contribute evidence of the viability of the goal ambiguity variables and the political environment variables. The results also show the value of bringing together concepts from organization theory and political science to study the effects of political environments on characteristics of government agencies. [source] Race, Region, and Representative BureaucracyPUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW, Issue 5 2009Jason A. Grissom Scholars of representative bureaucracy have long been interested in the linkage between passive representation in public agencies and the pursuit of specific policies designed to benefit minority groups. Research in this area suggests that the structural characteristics of those organizations, the external political environment, and the perceptions of individual bureaucrats each help to facilitate that relationship. Work to date has not, however, sufficiently investigated the impact of region on representation behavior, which is surprising given the emphasis that it receives in the broader literature on race and politics. Drawing on that literature, this study argues that, for black bureaucrats, region of residence is an important moderator of active representation because it helps to determine the salience of race as an issue and the degree of identification with racial group interests. It tests hypotheses related to that general argument in a nationally representative sample of more than 3,000 public schools. The results suggest that black teachers produce greater benefits for black students in the South, relative to other regions. A supplementary analysis also confirms the theoretical supposition that race is a more salient issue for Southern black bureaucrats, when compared with their non-Southern counterparts. [source] Cities, Tax Revenues, and a State's Fiscal Future: The Value of Major Urban CentersPUBLIC BUDGETING AND FINANCE, Issue 1 2006WILLIAM M. BOWEN Competition among core cities or urban centers and suburban and rural areas besets numerous states. The competition often occurs amid a political environment in which suburban and rural areas enjoy a political majority in the state legislature, a majority that directs state investments to their areas. With Ohio as a case study, the issues that have created the urban,suburban,rural trichotomy are reviewed and an analysis of the tax returns, by area, to state investments is presented. The findings illustrate that urban centers produce more tax dollars per dollar of state investment than other areas, implying that state underinvestment in urban areas harms overall state tax revenues. [source] The Political Environment and Ballot Proposition AwarenessAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 3 2003Stephen P. Nicholson Studies that examine whether voters make informed decisions on direct legislation and whether direct legislation enhances civic engagement presume a basic awareness of ballot propositions, yet little is known about why some ballot propositions are more widely known than others. Despite the fact that research on awareness of ballot propositions and political awareness focus on individual factors, the political environment plays a vital role. This study seeks to advance our understanding of environmental factors in explaining awareness of ballot propositions. Using data on California ballot elections between the years 1956 and 2000, I find that the political environment has a substantial effect on voter awareness. Specifically, I find that the electoral cycle, media coverage, campaign spending, voter fatigue, the number of days before an election, and issues that concern morality, civil liberties, and civil rights contribute to ballot proposition awareness. [source] The analysis of the homoerotic and the pursuit of meaningTHE JOURNAL OF ANALYTICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 3 2006Barry Miller Abstract:, This paper explores the dynamic tension between an evolving collective phenomenon and the nature of analytic process. Specifically, the focus will be erotic experiences which acquire a meaning through the culture at large, a meaning that may not be supportable when that material is subjected to psychological analysis. This stimulates a conflict between the symbolic attitude and the cultural perspective of the time. While the struggle between the individual and collective consciousness always emerges in analysis, the subject of same-gender sexual relations has become such a controversial and divisive issue in the current political environment that views toward homosexuality demand powerful allegiances and identification with either historic or contemporary ideas. People now identify as ,gay' and tend to see themselves as something akin to a race or perhaps alternative gender. Sexuality and relationship between same gendered people tends to be viewed through the lens of civil rights and the undeniable need for social equality. In this far-reaching and expanding collective phenomenon, psychology, in its support of human rights and accommodation to emerging trends, may be diminished in its capacity to pursue the meaning inherent in these human experiences. The position developed in this paper is that psychological experience, whether in the imaginal realm, dreams or personal consciousness, must be available for full analysis. Clinical experience and dreams are used to amplify this challenge to dynamic analytic practice. [source] Science, Ethics, and the "Problems" of Governing NanotechnologiesTHE JOURNAL OF LAW, MEDICINE & ETHICS, Issue 4 2009Linda F. Hogle Commentators continue to weigh in on whether there are ethical, social, and policy issues unique to nanotechnology, whether new regulatory schemes should be devised, and if so, how. Many of these commentaries fail to take into account the historical and political environment for nanotechnologies. That context affects regulatory and oversight systems as much as any new metrics to measure the effects of nanoscale materials, or organizational changes put in place to facilitate data analysis. What comes to count as a technical or social "problem" says much about the sociotechnical and political-historical networks in which technologies exist. This symposium's case studies provide insight into procedural successes and failures in the regulation of novel products, and ethical or social analyses that have attended to implications of novel, disruptive technologies. Yet what may be needed is a more fundamental consideration of forms of governance that may not just handle individual products or product types more effectively, but may also be flexible enough to respond to radically new technological systems. Nanotechnology presents an opportunity to think in transdisciplinary terms about both scientific and social concerns, rethink "knowns" about risk and how best to ameliorate or manage it, and consider how to incorporate ethical, social, and legal analyses in the conceptualization, planning, and execution of innovations. [source] New Directions for Health Insurance Design: Implications for Public Health Policy and PracticeTHE JOURNAL OF LAW, MEDICINE & ETHICS, Issue 2003Sara Rosenbaum ABSTRACT National attention on issues of public health preparedness necessarily brings into sharp focus the question of how to assure adequate, community-wide health care financing for preventive, acute care, and long-term medical care responses to public health threats. In the U.S., public and private health insurance represents the principal means by which medical care is financed. Beyond the threshold challenge of the many persons without any, or a stable form of, coverage lie challenges related to the structure and characteristics of health insurance itself, particularly the commercial industry and its newly emerging market of consumer-driven health plans. States vary significantly in how they approach the regulation of insurance and in their willingness to support various types of insurance markets. This variation is attributable to the size and robustness of the insurance market, the political environment, and regulatory tradition and custom. Reconciling health insurance markets with public health-related health care financing needs arising from public health threats should be viewed as a major dimension of national health reform. [source] Assembling Justice Spaces: The Scalar Politics of Environmental Justice in North-east EnglandANTIPODE, Issue 4 2009Karen Bickerstaff Abstract:, In contrast to the US environmental justice movement, which has been successful in building a networked environmentalism that recognises,and has impacted upon,national patterns of distributional (in)equalities, campaigns in the UK have rarely developed beyond the local or articulated a coherent programme of action that links to wider socio-spatial justice issues or effects real changes in the regulatory or political environment. Our purpose in this paper is to extend research which explores the spatial politics of mobilisation, by attending to the multi-scalar dynamics embedded in the enactment of environmental justice (EJ) in north-east England. It is an approach that is indebted to recent work on the scalar politics of EJ, and also to the network ideas associated with actor-network theory (ANT)-inspired research on human,nature relations. Our account provides preliminary reflections on the potential for an "assemblage" perspective which draws together people, texts, machines, animals, devices and discourses in relations that collectively constitute,and scale,EJ. To conclude, and building upon this approach, we suggest future research avenues that we believe present a promising agenda for critical engagement with the production, scaling and politics of environmental (in)justice. [source] Examining ,Tunnel Vision' in Australian PPPs: Rationales, Rhetoric, Risks and ,Rogues'AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 2010Judy Johnston This article examines Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) in Australia, and particularly those associated with major economic infrastructure development. Methodologically, the article relies on a qualitative case study approach, based on research initially supported by the Australian Research Council (Johnston and Gudergan 2005-2007) and continuing. Of special interest is the failure of the Cross-City Tunnel tollway in Sydney which is used to illustrate critical issues. The article finds that while Australian governments enjoy an international reputation for PPP success, there remains a number of fundamental pitfalls that need to be addressed if future PPPs are to uphold the public interest. Problems created through the unpredictability, especially for business, of the political environment and arrangements in which PPPs take place appear to be particularly significant. [source] The Impact of American Politics on Perceptions of Women's Golfing AbilitiesAMERICAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, Issue 2 2009Michelle M. Arthur We examine the relationship between political environments and perceptions of women's physical abilities. Using a sample of 496 golf courses located in the United States, we find a significant relationship between state political affiliations, ratings of senators and congressional representatives on a liberal to conservative continuum, and perceptions of gendered physical abilities. Institutional theory is presented as an explanation for the regional variation in perceptions of women's golfing abilities. Implications and results are discussed. Suggestions for further research are presented. [source] Rights and Morals, Issues, and Candidate Integrity: Insights into the Role of the News MediaPOLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2000David Domke In recent American political discourse, elections and debates tend to be presented by the news media as collisions of basic principles, with opposing parties advancing beliefs about what is right and what is wrong. When news coverage of an election campaign focuses on issues that emphasize rights and morals, voting behavior may be affected in two ways: Citizens become likely to form and make use of evaluations of the integrity of the candidates, and citizens become motivated to seek an issue-position "match" with candidates on those issues for which discourse is ethically charged (particularly when they hold a similar interpretation of the issue). These ideas were tested in an experiment in which labor union members and undergraduate students were presented with news stories about the contrasting positions of fictional candidates for elective office. Across three political environments, all information was held constant except for systematic alteration of a different issue in each environment. These three issues (abortion, gun control, and health care) vary in the types of value conflicts emphasized in news coverage. The results shed light on how individuals process, interpret, and use issue coverage in choosing among candidates. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||