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Political Dimension (political + dimension)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	66%
Business, Economics, Finance and Accounting	33%

Selected Abstracts

ACCRUAL ACCOUNTING REFORMS: ONLY FOR BUSINESSLIKE (PARTS OF) GOVERNMENTS

FINANCIAL ACCOUNTABILITY & MANAGEMENT, Issue 1 2008
Johan Christiaens
Based on governmental accounting experiences and on the rising criticism of accrual accounting, this paper proposes that accrual accounting in governments will only succeed in businesslike (parts of) governments in the coming years. This proposition leans on the inappropriate transfer of the accrual accounting framework from the profit sector, the underestimation of difficulties considering accrual budgeting and the lack of attention to the political dimension. This paper points out that the advocates of accrual accounting have neglected some important considerations. [source]

State, Corruption, and Criminalisation in China

INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 169 2001
Guilhem Fabre
Given the decentralisation and opening-up that China has been experiencing since 1979, the rise of corruption and the criminal economy can be attributed to the increased opportunities observable at macro-economic level and a context of relative impunity for the most serious offences. Functionalist and culturalist interpretations of this corruption fail to take account of its political dimension, which is not simply a matter of its instrumentalisation in the struggle between ruling factions. Contrary to the situation prevailing in certain democratic developing countries, criminals in China do not have the option of becoming state representatives, but certain state representatives, notably at local level, are well placed to make choices to the advantage of criminal circles, as happens in Mexico, and so share in the illicit gains. [source]

Co-evolution in an Institutionalized Environment*

JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT STUDIES, Issue 8 2003
Suzana Rodrigues
abstract This paper examines the extent to which co-evolution can take place within a heavily constrained environment and how changes in the degree of institutionalization are relevant to opportunities for exercising strategic choice at the level of the firm. It addresses these questions through a detailed case study of a major Brazilian telecommunications company, Telemig, covering its life span of 27 years from 1973 to 2000. The insights obtained advance the theory of co-evolution by incorporating a political dimension of how organizations are transformed into new forms. In the case studied, new forms arose with radical changes in the rules affecting competition and with de-institutionalization of the economic regime by coalitions of actors who were strategically located in networks that crossed system levels. Although the Telemig case presents circumstances different to those usually addressed by studies of co-evolution, it nevertheless points to the virtues of combining a strategic choice approach with one that focuses on the isomorphic effects of institutional constraints. [source]

Cooperative Cotton Marketing, Liberalization and ,Civil Society' in Tanzania

JOURNAL OF AGRARIAN CHANGE, Issue 3 2001
Peter Gibbon
This paper describes developments in marketing cooperatives in Tanzania's major cotton-growing area between 1991 and 1997, when they underwent voluntarization, lost state and donor financial support, and (from 1995) faced strong competition from private cotton buyers/ginners. After summarizing the history of marketing cooperatives in the country, the paper distinguishes the main dimensions of the current changes and sums up their outcomes. It then examines the main socio-economic and political dimensions of these outcomes before exploring current developments with reference to broader changes in ,civil society' and organizational life in rural Tanzania. [source]

The politics of action on AIDS: a case study of Uganda

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION & DEVELOPMENT, Issue 1 2004
James Putzel
This article examines the political dimensions of Uganda's progress in bringing a generalised HIV/AIDS epidemic under control. The article documents the history of the political processes involved in Uganda's battle against HIV/AIDS and analyses the complexities of presidential action and the relation between action at the level of the state and that taken within societal organisations. By the mid-1980s, Uganda was experiencing a full-blown epidemic, the virulence of which was connected with social dislocation and insecurity related to economic crisis and war. Political authorities faced the same challenge as other regimes experiencing the onslaught of AIDS in Africa. The epidemiological characteristics of HIV and AIDS,transmission through heterosexual activities, with a long gestation period, affecting people in the prime of their productive life,meant that action required wide-reaching changes in sexual behaviour, and the educational activities to achieve this, as well as relatively complex systems to monitor the virus and control medical practices (blood supplies, injection practices, mitigating drug delivery). The centralist character of the Museveni regime was crucial not only to mobilising state organisations and foreign aid resources, but also to ensuring significant involvement from non-state associations and religious authorities. The Ugandan experience demonstrates that there is a tension between the requirements for systematic action that a strong public authority can deliver and the need to disseminate information requiring a degree of democratic openness. The President was able to forge a coalition behind an HIV/AIDS campaign in part because the virus largely ignored the privileges of wealth and political power. With the development of antiretroviral therapy and the access that the wealthy can gain to these drugs, this basis for the broadest possible coalition to fight HIV/AIDS may be weakened in the future. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

Azerbaijan's resource wealth: political legitimacy and public opinion

THE GEOGRAPHICAL JOURNAL, Issue 3 2007
SHANNON O'LEAR
After considering how well Azerbaijan's economy follows the trajectory of a ,resource curse' state, this paper investigates the political dimensions of the resource curse evident in Azerbaijan. Of particular interest is how Azerbaijan appears to establish external and internal political legitimacy. These dimensions of sovereignty are not necessarily balanced or present in equal measure. The paper assesses the recent transition in leadership in Azerbaijan as well as Azerbaijan's interactions with, and assessment by, the international community. Additionally, national survey data provide insights into public concerns, satisfaction with government policy, and views on democracy and freedom of expression. The paper concludes that at present there appears to be sufficient public expectation for future benefits, combined with institutional stability, to stave off widespread political instability for the time being. [source]