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Political Debate (political + debate)
Selected AbstractsParty Identification, Issue Attitudes, and the Dynamics of Political DebateAMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 3 2010Logan Dancey This article investigates whether media coverage of elite debate surrounding an issue moderates the relationship between individual-level partisan identities and issue preferences. We posit that when the news media cover debate among partisan elites on a given issue, citizens update their party identities and issue attitudes. We test this proposition for a quartet of prominent issues debated during the first Clinton term: health care reform, welfare reform, gay rights, and affirmative action. Drawing on data from the Vanderbilt Television News Archives and the 1992-93-94-96 NES panel, we demonstrate that when partisan debate on an important issue receives extensive media coverage, partisanship systematically affects,and is affected by,issue attitudes. When the issue is not being contested, dynamic updating between party ties and issue attitudes ceases. [source] The Efficacy of Inoculation in Televised Political DebatesJOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 3 2004Chasu An This study was the first to examine the potential of inoculation in televised political debates. The experiment confirmed the efficacy of inoculation in conferring resistance to the influence of counterattitudinal attack messages launched during debates. Inoculated participants with a preference toward a candidate were more resistant than the control group to the opposing candidate's counterattitudinal attacks. The study also explored the potential of inoculation to strengthen receivers' normative attitudes, reducing potentially harmful effects of candidate attacks on participatory behaviors, but no significant differences were observed. This null finding implies that candidate attacks launched during debates are less likely to be perceived as unwarranted and may afford less normative utility in political debates. [source] The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon BrownTHE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 4 2008DAVID MARQUAND Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ,Whig imperialist', ,Tory nationalist', ,democratic collectivist' and ,democratic republican'. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early-1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co-ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945-51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self-government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety-odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more-or-less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment. [source] Competing with the Public Sector in BroadcastingECONOMIC AFFAIRS, Issue 4 2000David Elstein There are two public sector broadcasters in the UK: the BBC and Channel 4. In their different ways, their behaviour attracts criticism from the private sector. However, this critique is unfocused and potentially counter-productive. A more efficient , or privatised , public sector would create greater, not lesser, problems for the private sector. The allegations of abuse of privilege and unfair competition may be justified, but the private sector needs a coherent alternative rationale for public funding of broadcasting before it can expect to win a public and political debate. [source] "Offshoring": How big an issue?ECONOMIC OUTLOOK, Issue 3 2004Grant Colquhoun Spurred by the political debate in the US and several high-profile corporate moves, "offshoring" has become a lively topic of discussion. This paper by Grant Colquhoun, Keith Edmonds and David Goodger tries to put recent developments in context and argues that "offshoring" should be seen as part of a long-standing and largely beneficial trend of international specialisation. In the short term at least, the transfer of service sector activities abroad is likely to involve relatively small numbers of jobs when compared to overall UK employment and labour market turnover. However, specific areas , such as call centres, back office functions and software programming , are expected to be increasingly affected, impacting upon regions of the UK with heavy exposure to those activities and giving rise to adjustment costs. In contrast, retailing, hotels and catering and personal services could well benefit from the move of low value-added jobs abroad. Overall, the impact of "offshoring" on the UK economy in terms of output and productivity should be positive. [source] Would you like to shrink the welfare state?ECONOMIC POLICY, Issue 32 2001A survey of European citizens The fundamental problems facing European welfare states , high unemployment and unsustainable public pensions plans in particular , have been in the political debate for years, so why have we seen so little reform? To find out, we surveyed the opinions of citizens in France, Germany, Italy and Spain on their welfare states and on various reform options. This is what we found. First, most workers underestimate the costs of public pensions, though they are aware of their unsustainability. Second, the status quo is a majoritarian outcome: a majority of citizens opposes cuts to social security and welfare spending, but also opposes further increases. Since population ageing without reform implies an automatic expansion, our results suggest that most citizens would favour reforms that stabilize but do not shrink the current welfare states. Third, many would welcome changes in the allocation of benefits. A large number of workers in Italy and Germany would be willing to opt out of public pensions and replace them with private pensions, though the details of how this scheme is formulated matter for its popularity. And many Italians and Spaniards would welcome an extension of the coverage of unemployment insurance. Fourth, conflicts over the welfare state are mainly shaped by the economic situation of the respondent, while political ideology plays a limited role. Disagreements are found along three dimensions: young versus old, rich versus poor, and ,outsider' versus ,insider' in terms of labour market status. From a practical point of view, this suggests that there is scope to bundle reforms strategically in order to build a large and mixed coalition of supporters. , Tito Boeri, Axel Börsch-Supan and Guido Tabellini [source] "All Hayle to Hatfeild": A New Series of Country House Poems from Leeds University Library, Brotherton Collection, MS Lt q 44 [with text]ENGLISH LITERARY RENAISSANCE, Issue 2 2008Tom Lockwood Presented here in semi-diplomatic transcription of a newly discovered poem from Leeds University Library, Brotherton Collection MS Lt q 44, "All Hayle to Hatfield" is composed of a sequence of eight unattributed poems (one in two parts), addresses the family of William Cecil, 2nd Earl of Salisbury (1591,1668), and describes in detail one of their residences, Hatfield House. Probably composed between July 1625 and April 1627, the sequence of poems appears never to have been printed and may, since it is not listed in the first-line indexes of the Beinecke, Bodleian, Folger and Huntington libraries, be unique to this manuscript. This essay briefly introduces the sequence of poems in relation to their local, political, and literary contexts. Chief among such contexts are Hatfield House, its gardens and its chapel; the essay argues that the relationship of the poems to questions of religion, ceremony, and the Duke of Buckingham allows them to be read in the context of mid-1620s political debate. Consolidating this reading, it is argued that the sequence's frequent allusions to Ben Jonson's poem "To Penshurst" and his masque, The Gypsies Metamorphosed, potentially align its literary sources with its political contexts. [source] Ideology, Power Orientation and Policy Drag: Explaining the Elite Politics of Britain's Bill of Rights DebateGOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 1 2009David Erdos This article argues that three factors have framed elite political debate and outcomes on a Bill of Rights in Britain , the degree of commitment to an ideology of social liberalism, the executive/non-executive power orientation of key actors and the phenomenon of policy drag. These factors explain not only the overall historical contours of political debate but also (1) Labour's ,aversive' conversion to the Bill of Rights agenda and passage of the Human Rights Act (1998); and (2) the Conservatives' more positive recent attitude to the Bill of Rights agenda. [source] ,What Werre Amounteth': The Military Experience of Knights of the Shire, 1369,1389HISTORY, Issue 320 2010ANDY KING The Commons in parliament played an increasingly influential role in English politics in the last years of the reign of Edward III, and the reign of his grandson, Richard II. War was the central issue which dominated political debate in parliament. But when they debated war, how many of the knights of the shire knew whereof they spoke? This article discusses the collective military experience of the knights of the shire, assessing their military service in relation to their parliamentary careers. It will look at whether knights of the shire were generally men whose military careers were over or whether they were still militarily active and, in particular, how many of them had recent experience of the doleful record of English failure in the wars since 1369. Finally, it will consider what impact the military experience of knights of the shire had on political debate in parliament and to what degree was the Commons' criticism of the crown's conduct of the wars shaped by the personal military experience of the knights of the shires. [source] Religion and Reproductive Genetics: Beyond Views of Embryonic Life?JOURNAL FOR THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF RELIGION, Issue 4 2007JOHN H. EVANS Advances in new reproductive genetic technologies have spawned a very polarized public and political debate. As with the abortion debate, most formal opposition to these technologies comes from religious organizations that are concerned about embryonic and fetal life. In this article we conduct an analysis of the first nationally representative opinion survey on religion and reproductive genetics. We find, as in the abortion debate, that evangelicals, fundamentalists, and traditionalist Catholics are more opposed than more liberal religious groups. When we compare respondents with the same views on embryonic life, we find that differences remain in the level of approval for genetic technologies, suggesting that there is more to this debate than concern about embryos. We also find that religious conservatives are more distinct from the religious nonattenders in their views of health objectives of reproductive genetic technologies and less distinct in their views of improvement objectives. [source] Virtus on Whitehall: The Politics of Palladianism in William Kent's Treasury Building, 1733,61JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL SOCIOLOGY, Issue 4 2005FRANCIS DODSWORTH The 1730s saw the domination of neo-Palladianism in the Office of Works and the establishment of a prominent and permanent administrative centre whose style made an architectural statement about the conduct of Walpole's government. The nature of this statement is only comprehensible when viewed in the context of contemporary political debate. William Kent's Treasury invoked antique Rome in order to emphasise the government's competence and assert the independence of its officers from patronage and their commitment to the common good. [source] The four Ps of corporate political activity: a framework for environmental analysis and corporate actionJOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2009Nicolas M. Dahan In this paper, I propose a new integrated framework which may be used to conduct a thorough analysis of a firm's political environment. The four steps of the methodology include the problem (how a political problem emerges and can be shaped by actors), the procedure (the public decision-making procedure), the policies (relevant public policies currently implemented) and the players (including policy-makers as well as participants in the political debate). Together, they form what I call the ,Four Ps of corporate political activity'. This framework can serve not only for environmental analysis and monitoring, but also to improve the effectiveness of a firm's attempts in the field of political influence, through actions such as arena selection, issue framing, the use of procedural opportunities, proactive negotiation of a compromise or gate-keeping the political arena. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Critical Mass, Deliberation and the Substantive Representation of Women: Evidence from the UK's Devolution ProgrammePOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 4 2006Paul Chaney This article provides empirical evidence to support recent assertions that the substantive representation of women depends not only on the numbers of women elected representatives in national legislatures, but also who they are. In this case study of one of the UK's devolved legislatures, analysis was undertaken of the transcripts of 327 plenary debates held during the first term of the National Assembly for Wales, where women constituted 42 percent of elected members (1999,2003). The gender dynamics of political debate around key equality topics reveal that the link between descriptive and substantive representation of women is complex. When a ,critical mass' of women is achieved the substantive representation of women is affirmed as ,probabilistic' rather than ,deterministic' for it is shaped by the institutional context, the gender dynamics of debate and, importantly, the actions of individual ,equality champions'. While women representatives exhibited a greater propensity to advance gender equality in debate than their male colleagues, the present findings also show the disproportionate influence of ,equality champions': women who are able to draw upon earlier feminist activism and act as ,strategic insiders' who make a difference to women's issues in a parliamentary context. [source] The Conceptual History of Social JusticePOLITICAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 3 2005Ben Jackson Social justice is a crucial ideal in contemporary political thought. Yet the concept of social justice is a recent addition to our political vocabulary, and comparatively little is known about its introduction into political debate or its early theoretical trajectory. Some important research has begun to address this issue, adding a valuable historical perspective to present-day controversies about the concept. This article uses this literature to examine two questions. First, how does the modern idea of social justice differ from previous conceptualisations of justice? Second, why and when did social justice first emerge into political discourse? [source] Elizabeth Eckford's Appearance at Little Rock: The Possibility of Children's Political AgencyPOLITICS, Issue 1 2008Sana M. Nakata In 1957, Hannah Arendt argued against the legally enforced desegregation of public schools in the American South. She argued that African Americans had mistaken schools and education for a site of political debate, when they properly belonged to a social realm instead. This article disagrees and reconsiders Arendt's separation between the social and political realms. Arendt also took exception to the role Elizabeth Eckford, a 15-year-old, played in this debate. It is argued here that Elizabeth Eckford's actions were deeply political and give rise to a need to consider the possibility of children's political agency. [source] Jimmy Carter: The Re-emergence of Faith-Based Politics and the Abortion Rights IssuePRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2005ANDREW R. FLINT This article will extend the current re-evaluation of the Carter presidency through a detailed examination of the enduring impact of his evangelical Christian faith upon modern American political discourse. Carter successfully reawakened faith-based politics but, because his faith did not exactly mirror the religious and political agenda of the disparate groups that make up the religious conservative movement within the United States, that newly awakened force within American politics ultimately used its power to replace him with Ronald Reagan, a president who more carefully articulated their agenda. As this article will show, the key issue that marked the intrusion of highly contentious religious-cultural issues into the political debate was abortion. This issue was emblematic of both the engagement of religious conservatives in political life in this period and of the limitations of Carter as their authentic political agent. [source] Figurational dynamics and parliamentary discourses of living standards in Ireland1THE BRITISH JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY, Issue 4 2009Paddy Dolan Abstract While the concept of living standards remains central to political debate, it has become marginal in sociological research compared to the burgeoning attention given to the topic of consumer culture in recent decades. However, they both concern how one does and should consume, and, indeed, behave at particular times. I use the theories of Norbert Elias to explain the unplanned but structured (ordered) changes in expected standards of living over time. This figurational approach is compared to other alternative explanations, particularly those advanced by Bourdieu, Veblen and Baudrillard. Though these offer some parallels with Elias's theories, I argue that consumption standards are produced and transformed through the changing dependencies and power relations between social classes. They cannot be reduced to the intentions, interests or ambitions of particular elites, nor to the needs of social systems. Using qualitative data from parliamentary debates in Ireland to trace changing norms and ideals of consumption, as well as historical data to reconstruct shifts in social interdependencies, I further contend that discourses of living standards and luxury are vital aspects of the growing identification and empathy between classes, which in turn encourages greater global integration in the face of emigration and national decline. [source] 100 Years On: Who are the Inheritors of the ,New Liberal' Mantle?THE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 1 2007ALISON HOLMES The ,great divorce' of progressive politics at the end of the nineteenth century permanently altered British politics. While the philosophies of the Labour movement and the Liberal Party had many common elements, ideologically they diverged on issues of the role of liberty and the state in relation to the individual and the community to the point that they became irreconcilable. New Liberalism was one result of that debate. Contemporary political debate reflects many of the same features as the turmoil present a century ago, and the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats are again contesting much of the same ground. This article seeks to draw out the salient aspects of this debate to conclude which, if either, party is the inheritor of the New Liberal tradition. [source] Eleanor Rathbone and the Politics of CitizenshipTHE POLITICAL QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2005FRANK FIELD Despite Eleanor Rathbone having many firsts to her name she is largely forgotten. While students are now taught little about her ideas or successful political campaigns as an Independent MP, her ideas on feminism are relevant to today's political debate about the rise of anti-social behaviour. The failure of many families to teach their offspring those common decencies which make possible living in close proximity to other human beings brings back centre stage Eleanor Rathbone's views on endowing motherhood. [source] Many Hands, Much Politics, Multiple Risks , The Case of the 2008 Beijing Olympics StadiumAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 2010Yu Wen Liu Not only one of the world's most remarkable sports facilities but also the first Public-Private Partnership sport facility in China, the National Stadium for the 2008 Beijing Olympics Games has drawn much attention, received much help, produced much political debate and experienced multiple risks during its development and construction. But, at last, it was completed in time with good quality and at a reasonable cost. It played an important role in facilitating the success of the 2008 Beijing Olympics Games, giving an indelible impression to the world. This article reviews issues that arose during the stadium's development and construction and considers the risks encountered and lessons drawn. The construction and management arrangement was widely considered to be a public-private partnership, but it is important to note that the so-called private side consisted of a mix of public, blended public-private and fully private organisations. [source] Policy Formulation in Australian Government: Vertical and Horizontal AxesAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 2 2000Craig Matheson Studies of the policy process in Australia have focused on particular institutions or decisions rather than on its overarching properties. One such property is the vertical and horizontal ,axes' of policy-making. The former comprises hierarchical relationships whereas the latter comprise relationships of bargaining, negotiation and persuasion. Vertical axes enable governments to take and enforce technically rational decisions in pursuit of consistent goals whereas horizontal axes permit governments to make broadly-based decisions that have group assent and electoral support. Vertical axes have strengthened in recent years and have brought increased technical rationality and consistency. This has come at a cost of limiting of the scope of political debate and a loss of electoral support for government though. [source] The "Trial" of Lee Benson: Communism, White Chauvinism, and The Foundations of the "New Political History" in the United StatesHISTORY AND THEORY, Issue 3 2003Gerald Zahavi Lee Benson was one of the first American political historians to suggest a "systematic" revision of traditional political history with its emphasis on narrow economic class analysis, narrative arguments, and over-reliance on qualitative research methodologies. This essay presents Benson's contributions to the "new political history",an attempt to apply social-science methods, concepts, and theories to American political history,as a social, cultural, and political narrative of Cold War-era American history. Benson belonged to a generation of ex-Communist American historians and political scientists whose scholarship and intellectual projects flowed,in part,out of Marxist social and political debates, agendas, and paradigmatic frameworks, even as they rejected and revised them. The main focus of the essay is the genesis of Benson's pioneering study of nineteenth-century New York state political culture, The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy, with its emphasis on intra-class versus inter-class conflict, sensitivity to ethnocultural determinants of political and social behavior, and reliance on explicit social-science theory and methodology. In what follows, I argue that The Concept of Jacksonian Democracy has its roots in Benson's Popular Front Marxist beliefs, and his decade-long engagement and subsequent disenchantment with American left-wing politics. Benson's growing alienation from Progressive historical paradigms and traditional Marxist analysis, and his attempts to formulate a neo-Marxism attentive to unique American class and political realities, are linked to his involvement with 1940s radical factional politics and his disturbing encounter with internal Communist party racial and ideological tensions in the late 1940s at Cornell University in Ithaca, New York. [source] Book-History Approaches to India: Representations of the Subcontinent in the Novel and Verse, 1780,1823HISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 2 2010Ashok Malhotra Literary representations of India in verse and novels written by British authors during the period 1780,1823 have been approached by contemporary scholars either from the postcolonial perspective of relating the fiction to the shifting relationship between colonizer or colonized, or to correlating portrayals to elitist political debates taking place within the metropole. The argument proposes that forthcoming scholarship should adopt a book-history approach to the topic which would add an important contextual dimension to the readings of fictional texts and understanding of a whole set of British cultural attitudes towards Indians. To this end, it proposes that further critical analysis of British India fictions could situate recurring tropes about India in relation to the demands and prevailing fashions of the literary marketplace, and determine how the varying perceived cultural status and the internal development of the two literary modes affect portrayals of the subcontinent. [source] Nabobs Revisited: A Cultural History of British Imperialism and the Indian Question in Late-Eighteenth-Century BritainHISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 4 2006Tillman W. Nechtman Studies of the late eighteenth-century British empire in India have long used the figure of the nabob to personify political debates collectively known as "the India question." These nabobs, employees of the East India Company, were (and continue to be) represented as rapacious villains. This article will revisit the history of nabobs to offer a cultural history of British imperialism in late eighteenth-century India. It will argue that nabobs were representative figures in the political debates surrounding imperialism in South Asia because they were hybrid figures who made Britain's empire more real to domestic British observers. It will argue that the nabobs' hybrid identity hinged on the collection of material artifacts they brought back to Britain from India. Nabobs stood at the boundary between nation and empire, and they suggested the frontier was permeable. They exposed the degree to which the projects of building a nation and an empire were mutually constitutive. [source] An Examination of the Danish Immigrant-Trade LinkINTERNATIONAL MIGRATION, Issue 5 2007Roger White ABSTRACT This paper investigates the influence of immigrants on Danish imports and exports. As public and political debates concerning immigration policy are expected to continue, the findings presented here provide valuable information. Prior to 2002, Denmark's immigration policy was among the most liberal in Europe. However, concerns regarding terrorism, social services depletion, and detrimental labour market effects, all purported to stem from immigration, led the Danish government to severely tighten its policy. In examining Denmark, we explore the immigrant-trade relationship in a small host country that is globally well-integrated, open to trade, and proximate to both major trading partners and primary immigrant source nations. Further, as the share of the Danish population constituted by immigrants increased from 2.6 to 5.6 per cent between 1980 and 2000, Denmark presents an opportunity to consider immigrant-trade links for an increasingly diverse population that was initially relatively homogenous. We consider a number of variations regarding home countries and trade values to estimate immigrant-trade links using a Tobit specification. The findings presented here, when considered in relation to prior research, suggest that the presence and magnitude of immigrant-trade links vary according to host country population homogeneity. Cet article étudie l'influence des immigrants sur les importations et les exportations danoises. Comme il est prévu que les débats publics et politiques sur la politique d'immigration se poursuivent, les conclusions présentées ici fournissent des informations très utiles. Avant 2002, la politique danoise d'immigration était l'une des plus libérales d'Europe. Cependant, les craintes liées au terrorisme, à l'épuisement de l'action sociale et aux effets néfastes sur le marché du travail - que l'on tend à attribuer à l'immigration, ont poussé le Gouvernement danois à durcir sérieusement sa politique. Cet examen du cas du Danemark nous permet d'étudier les liens entre immigration et commerce dans un petit pays d'accueil globalement bien intégré, ouvert au commerce et proche à la fois des grands partenaires commerciaux et des principales nations d'origine des immigrants. Par ailleurs, étant donné que la proportion d'immigrants au sein de la population danoise est passée de 2,6 à 5,6 % entre 1980 et 2000, le Danemark offre la possibilité d'étudier les liens entre immigration et commerce dans une population sans cesse plus hétérogène, par contraste avec son homogénéité d'autrefois. L'auteur considère plusieurs variations en fonction des pays d'origine et des valeurs commerciales afin d'évaluer les liens entre immigration et commerce grâce au modèle Tobit. Les résultats présentés, ajoutés aux travaux de recherche précédents, suggèrent que l'existence et l'importance des liens entre immigration et commerce varient en fonction de l'homogénéité de la population du pays d'accueil. En este documento se investiga la influencia de los inmigrantes sobre las importaciones y exportaciones danesas. Dado que se espera una continuación de los debates públicos y políticos sobre la política de inmigración, las conclusiones que aquí se presentan son de gran utilidad. Con anterioridad a 2002, la política de inmigración de Dinamarca era una de las más liberales de Europa. Sin embargo, inquietudes relacionadas con el terrorismo, el agotamiento de los servicios sociales y los efectos perjudiciales para el mercado laboral, todo lo cual supuestamente se debe a la inmigración, condujeron al Gobierno danés a adoptar una política mucho más estricta. Al examinar la situación en Dinamarca, exploramos la relación entre la inmigración y el comercio en un pequeño país de acogida que, en términos globales, puede decirse que goza de un buen nivel de integración y apertura al comercio y proximidad a los asociados comerciales más importantes y a los principales países de origen de la primera inmigración. Por otro lado, teniendo en cuenta que el porcentaje de la población danesa constituido por inmigrantes aumentó del 2,6 al 5,6 por ciento entre 1980 y 2000, la situación en Dinamarca es una oportunidad para examinar los vínculos entre la inmigración y el comercio con respecto a una población cada vez más diversa, que inicialmente era relativamente homogénea. Se han considerado una serie de variaciones en relación con los países de origen y los valores del comercio para estimar los vínculos entre la inmigración y el comercio, utilizando una especificación Tobit. Las conclusiones que se presentan, al examinarse en relación con anteriores trabajos de investigación, sugieren que la presencia y la magnitud de los vínculos entre la inmigración y el comercio varían según la homogeneidad demográfica del país de acogida. [source] Liberal Nationalism and Territorial RightsJOURNAL OF APPLIED PHILOSOPHY, Issue 1 2003Tamar Meisels It asks what type of justifications could be morally acceptable to "liberal nationalism" for the acquisition and holding of territory. To this end, the paper takes a brief look at five central arguments for territorial entitlement which have become predominant in political debates. These are: so called "historical rights" to territory; demands for territorial restitution; efficiency arguments; claims of entitlement to territories settled by co-nationals; and lastly, territorial demands based on claims of equal entitlement to the earth's natural resources. These popular arguments point towards several potential criteria for the arbitration of territorial conflicts. The paper attempts to outline the morally relevant guidelines for thinking about territorial issues that flow from, or are at least consistent with, applying liberal values to the national phenomenon. It places the territorial aspect of nationalism at the head of the liberal nationalist agenda and offers an initial common ground for discussion (including disagreement) among liberals, and for the mediation of claims between nations. [source] The Efficacy of Inoculation in Televised Political DebatesJOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 3 2004Chasu An This study was the first to examine the potential of inoculation in televised political debates. The experiment confirmed the efficacy of inoculation in conferring resistance to the influence of counterattitudinal attack messages launched during debates. Inoculated participants with a preference toward a candidate were more resistant than the control group to the opposing candidate's counterattitudinal attacks. The study also explored the potential of inoculation to strengthen receivers' normative attitudes, reducing potentially harmful effects of candidate attacks on participatory behaviors, but no significant differences were observed. This null finding implies that candidate attacks launched during debates are less likely to be perceived as unwarranted and may afford less normative utility in political debates. [source] A historical perspective on nonverbal communication in debates: Implications for elections and leadershipJOURNAL OF LEADERSHIP STUDIES, Issue 4 2009William A. Gentry Nonverbal communication has been a focus in both the realms of politics and leadership. Since 1960 commentaries about political debates have led to the conclusion that inept nonverbal communication may have been a telling sign as to who lost the eventual election. This article will give a brief recount of the nonverbal ineptitude associated with several televised debates throughout history, a short research note about how nonverbal communication in a debate may predict the loser of an election, and a set of recommendations that may help leaders. In essence, as nonverbal communication may not necessarily help candidates in a debate and subsequent election, but rather hurt them, the same can be said for leaders in general: nonverbal communication may not necessarily help leaders become their very best, but it can definitely hurt them and their effectiveness as leaders. [source] Willing to Work: Agency and Vulnerability in an Undocumented Immigrant NetworkAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 2 2010Ruth Gomberg-Muñoz ABSTRACT, Restriction-oriented immigration policies and polarizing political debates have intensified the vulnerability of undocumented people in the United States, promoting their "willingness" to do low-wage, low-status work. In this article, I draw on ethnographic research with undocumented immigrants in Chicago to examine the everyday strategies that undocumented workers develop to mediate constraints and enhance their well-being. In particular, I explore how a cohort of undocumented Mexican immigrants cultivates a social identity as "hard workers" to promote their labor and bolster dignity and self-esteem. Much of the existing literature on unauthorized labor migration has focused on the structural conditions that encumber immigrants and constrain their opportunities. By shifting the focus to workers' agency, I seek to complement these analyses and show how undocumented immigrants actively navigate the terrain of work and society in the United States. RESUMEN, La vulnerabilidad de los trabajadores indocumentados en los Estados Unidos ha sido incrementada por políticas inmigratorias restrictivas y debates políticos polarizados que han fomentando la "voluntad" de aceptar trabajos de bajo sueldo y estatus. En este artículo, utilizo investigaciones etnográficas con inmigrantes indocumentados en Chicago para examinar las luchas diarias que se enfrenta este grupo para mejorar sus calidades de vida. En particular, exploro como un grupo de inmigrantes indocumentados mexicanos cultiva una identidad social de "hombres trabajadores" para promover su mercado laboral, asi mejorando su bienestar económico y emocional. La mayoría de la literatura contemporánea sobre la migración indocumentada se ha enfocado en las condiciones estructurales que limitan a los inmigrantes y restringen sus oportunidades. Cambiar el enfoque hacia las acciones diarias de los trabajadores complementa estos estudios, y además demuestra la manera como los inmigrantes indocumentados activamente navegan sobre el terreno del trabajo y sociedad en los Estados Unidos. [source] Der EU-Emissionshandel im Zielkonflikt zwischen Effizienz, Kompensation und WettbewerbsneutralitätPERSPEKTIVEN DER WIRTSCHAFTSPOLITIK, Issue 3 2005Christoph Böhringer We show how institutional features set by the EU Commission and the required subsidiary decisions by the respective Member States are potentially in conflict with the objectives of efficiency, compensation and competition neutrality. Inefficiencies can emerge from the decisions on the number of emission allowances and the way in which they are allocated. These problems are intensified by pressure from political interest groups. We argue that costs from recurring political debates and decisions on the National Allocation Plans could be avoided by using truly lump-sum-free allocation rules or moving towards auctioning off emission allowances. [source] | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||