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Political Class (political + class)
Selected AbstractsWhen Cartels Fail: The Role of the Political Class in the Italian Democratic TransitionGOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 1 2000Sergio Fabbrini [source] Politicians without Parties and Parties without Politicians: The Foibles of the Peruvian Political Class, 2000,2006,BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 1 2007LEWIS TAYLOR Since the collapse of the Fujimori regime in November 2000, the Peruvian political system has experienced considerable turbulence, which has focused attention on the capabilities and comportment of the country's elected politicians. While some analysts hold that ,there is no political class in Peru', others maintain that since Fujimori's demise a ,resurrection' has occurred in the fortunes of both parties and politicians who occupied centre stage during the 1980s. This article examines these claims, arguing that despite appearances to the contrary, the core of Peru's political class operates in a rational and responsible fashion. [source] Moving up, moving down: Political careers across territorial levelsEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2003Klaus Stolz In the sparse literature on political careers in federal systems, regional positions are often seen as mere stepping stones on the way to federal office. But are they really? The recent professionalization of state politics in federal systems and the regionalization of former unitary states point to the strengthening of the regional level as a career arena in its own right. Could this lead to the emergence of a regional political class with a set of career interests distinct from those of national politicians? This article takes a first, comparative look at current patterns of career movements between regional and national parliaments in a wide range of federal and newly regionalized systems. The study shows that, contrary to general belief, the number of deputies actually moving from the regional to federal level is generally relatively low. While some cases show fairly integrated career structures, others exhibit a pattern of career development in which state or regional office functions as the main focus of political careers. The territorial structure of the political class is dependent upon a whole range of social, cultural and institutional factors. At the same time, it is also an important factor in the mechanics and institutional development of each federal system in question. [source] ,Dark Matter': Institutional Constraints and the Failure of Party-based Euroscepticism in GermanyPOLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 2 2002Charles Lees The article is built on four propositions. First, there is a latent potential within the German polity for the mobilisation of what remains a significant level of popular unease about aspects of the ongoing process of European integration. Second, at present this potential is unfulfilled and, as a result, Euroscepticism remains the ,dark matter' of German politics. Third, the absence of a clearly stated Eurosceptical agenda is not due to the inherent ,enlightenment' of the German political class about the European project, but rather is the result of systemic disincentives shaping the preferences of rational acting politicians. Finally, these systemic disincentives are to be found within the formal institutions of the German polity. The key ideas here are of ,hard' versus ,soft' Eurosceptical narratives, sustained versus heresthetic agendas, and ,polis constraining' versus ,polis shaping' strategies for their promotion. Political agents' choice of strategy depends on the nature of the institutional setting within which they are operating. The institutional configuration of the Federal Republic provides poor returns for party-based Euroscepticism. The mobilisation of popular unease about aspects of European integration remains an unattractive option for rational acting political agents. [source] Separating Sense from Nonsense in the US Debate on the Financial MeltdownPOLITICAL STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2010David Coates The US debate on the causes of the financial meltdown and the policies appropriate for its resolution have a different center of gravity to that prevalent in Western Europe. Free-market solutions continue to be canvassed by conservative and libertarian politicians and political commentators with an intensity that is rarely found elsewhere, reflecting the extent to which a significant minority of American voters and policy makers remain wedded to a principled anti-statism. This article surveys those views, and the rebuttals to them now coming from more center-left elements of the US political class. It argues for the superiority of the latter, while noting that one serious adverse consequence of this positioning of the US debate is its capacity to distract attention from important underlying structural causes of the housing crisis and associated credit crunch. [source] Constitutional reform after the expenses crisisPUBLIC POLICY RESEARCH, Issue 2 2009Vernon Bogdanor The expenses crisis has shattered the UK public's confidence in our politics. But constitutional reform can only help rebuild trust if the political class are prepared to hand real power over to the people, says Vernon Bogdanor [source] Politicians without Parties and Parties without Politicians: The Foibles of the Peruvian Political Class, 2000,2006,BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 1 2007LEWIS TAYLOR Since the collapse of the Fujimori regime in November 2000, the Peruvian political system has experienced considerable turbulence, which has focused attention on the capabilities and comportment of the country's elected politicians. While some analysts hold that ,there is no political class in Peru', others maintain that since Fujimori's demise a ,resurrection' has occurred in the fortunes of both parties and politicians who occupied centre stage during the 1980s. This article examines these claims, arguing that despite appearances to the contrary, the core of Peru's political class operates in a rational and responsible fashion. [source] Argentina's Landmark 2003 Presidential Election: Renewal and ContinuityBULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 4 2005Omar Sanchez This article provides an analysis of the political and socioeconomic context of the April 2003 presidential elections, focusing particularly on the campaign platforms of candidates, the outcome of the first round and the election's consequences for the party system. The election's results were far reaching in many respects. Argentina's longstanding two-party system came to an end with the virtual vanishing of the Radical party (UCR) at the national level. An evolved political culture resulted in new, more rigorous criteria for the selection of candidates. Finally, new political parties (MNR and ARI) emerged that could conceivably improve the quality of democratic governance in the future. In short, the 2001,2002 crisis fostered a significant degree of political renewal. Contrary to some predictions, however, the societal rejection of political parties did not result in either the complete demolition of the party system or the wholesale renovation of the political class. In particular, the Peronist party showcased its staying power and uncanny ability to adapt to new political environments. [source] Democracy in Latin America: Issues of Governance in the Southern ConeBULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 1 2004Laura Tedesco This article explores academic debates on transitions and democratic development, and outlines ideas relating to the governance issues considered by the papers in this special section. It presents a discussion of recent debates on democracy and transition in Latin America and concludes on the need to conceptualise the state in the region after the return to democracy. In so doing, it analyses issues of governance and highlights the role of the political class in building a democratic state. [source] The British Electoral System, 1885-1970HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 181 2000Peter Catterall At a time when the electoral system is coming under renewed scrutiny, this article examines the origins and creation of the present system in 1884-5, and its subsequent survival. This is the first such analysis to draw upon Public Record Office and party archives. Whilst showing that the political classes have been quite prepared to consider the merits of alternatives, particularly S.T.V., for Ireland or in colonial settings, they have usually been seen as less appropriate for Westminster. In exploring why that should be the case this article seeks to provide a new explanation for the longevity of the electoral arrangements of 1885. [source] | ||||||||||