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Political Approach (political + approach)
Selected AbstractsGet Back into that Kitchen, Woman: Management Conferences and the Making of the Female Professional WorkerGENDER, WORK & ORGANISATION, Issue 5 2010Jackie Ford Conferences are a little studied aspect of working lives. In this article we explore how management conferences contribute to the continuing imbalance of power between men and women in management. We analyse data gathered from a reflexive ethnographic study of a management conference. We show that women arrive at conferences as knowing subjects, able easily to occupy the subject position of conference participant, but they are then subjected to processes of infantilization and seduction. They are made to feel scared and are given the order, as were their mothers and grandmothers: get back to the kitchen. We avoid using a theoretical explanation for these findings, preferring to offer them without much explanation, for we favour instead a political approach, and we use the findings as a way of making a call to arms to change the ways in which conferences are hostile to women. [source] A political approach to relationship marketing: case study of the Storsjöyran festivalINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TOURISM RESEARCH, Issue 2 2002Mia Larson Abstract This study is concerned with interorganisational aspects of relationship marketing, which, in turn, has led to a focus on political aspects, i.e. on interests, conflicts and power in a project network consisting of actors marketing a festival. A metaphor of a project network, the political market square (PSQ), is introduced and used in the analysis of a case study of the Storsjöyran Festival in Sweden. In order to understand the politics and the dynamics in the PSQ, actors' access is discussed. Moreover, interactions between actors, which are to be regarded as cooperative or characterised by power games, and the degree of change dynamics, contribute to understanding dynamic political processes. Identified political processes were gatekeeping, negotiations, coalition building, building of trust and identify building. These processes, and actors' entries and exits between the PSQ and a wider network, caused turbulence and changed the power structure of the PSQ. The turbulence fostered change and innovations that resulted in product development. However, actors' shared identities and a stable, positive image of the festival moderated the turbulence. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source] Probing the "moralization of capitalism" problem: Democratic experimentalism and the co-evolution of normsINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 185 2005Christian Arnsperger The most fundamental issue raised by any discussion around the ,moralization of capitalism' is the puzzle of second-order morality: How exactly is it possible to pass a moral judgement on our categories of moral judgement? How can our norms of morality be said to be immoral, thus calling for (re-)moralization? The answer depends on the observation that norms and interaction structures in capitalism have co-evolved, and hence can be taken neither as autonomous with respect to one another nor as obeying a hidden functionality. This implies that, paradoxically, the moralization problem cannot be solved in moral terms, but calls for a political approach, to make best use of which we need to come to terms with capitalism as a fully fledged cultural system. The ideology inherent in that cultural system can only be attacked from within the system itself, through decentralized processes of democratic decision-making rather than by mere prophetic denunciation or moral invectives. Because the particular version of the capitalist culture in which we live now is a radically contingent result of history, it makes sense to support a framework of democratic experimentalism which embeds multiple institutional experimentation within a system of experience-building and experience-formation analogous to the system of information-utilisation and information-dissemination offered by the Hayekian market. Only by thus creating the real and concrete democratic presuppositions for alternative capitalist practices can we begin to make sense of the puzzle inherent in the "moralization of capitalism" problem. [source] Dependent and Accountable: Evidence from the Modern Theory of Central BankingJOURNAL OF ECONOMIC SURVEYS, Issue 5 2000Gustavo Piga In this paper we take another look at the literature on central bank independence. We show that the representative-agent approach to monetary policy is seriously flawed and does not provide a sound basis for deriving institutional solutions to the inflationary-bias. We then argue that the political approach to monetary policy provides a better account of the inflationary-bias and that this has important implications for the set-up of institutional arrangements, like central-bank independence, and the role of contractual arrangements, like indexation. Central bank independence, if appropriately modeled, can fail to reduce inflationary pressures in plausible circumstances. We then identify some issues in the theory of central banking that have not been clearly resolved and we offer some intuition as to the way they could be studied. We conclude by showing some potentially worrisome implications for the future of the European Monetary Union. [source] First Politics, Then Culture: Accounting for Ethnic Differences in Demographic Behavior in KenyaPOPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW, Issue 3 2001Alexander A. Weinreb Ethnic differences in demographic behavior tend to be disguised behind analytically opaque labels like "district" or "region," or else subjected to simplistic cultural explanations. Drawing on new political economy, sociological theory and the political science literature on sub-Saharan Africa, this article proposes an alternative explanatory model and tests it empirically with reference to Kenya. Access to political power and, through power, access to a state's resources,including resources devoted to clinics, schools, labor opportunities, and other determinants of demographic behavior,are advanced as the key factors underlying ethnic differences. District-level estimates of "political capital" are introduced and merged with two waves of Demographic and Health Survey data. The effects on models of contraceptive use are explored. Results confirm that measures of political capital explain residual ethnic differences in use, providing strong support for a political approach to the analysis of demographic behavior. [source] The Russian Revolution: Broadening Understandings of 1917HISTORY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 1 2008Sarah Badcock The rich historiography of the revolution has tended to focus around urban and political elites, labour history and events in Petrograd and to a lesser extent Moscow. The collapse of the Soviet Union opened previously inaccessible archives and shifted the ideological battlegrounds ranged over by scholars of the Russian revolution. New archivally based research is shifting its focus away from the capitals and political elites, and draws together social and political approaches to the revolution. By investigating revolutionary events outside the capitals, and lived experiences of revolution for Russia's ordinary people, most of whom were rural, not urban dwellers, current research draws a complex and multifaceted picture of revolutionary events. Explanations for the failure of democratic politics in Russia can now be found not only in the ineptitudes of Nicholas II, the failings of Kerensky, or the machinations of Lenin and his cohort. Instead, ordinary people, outside the capitals and in the countryside, defined and determined revolutionary events. [source] | |||||||||||||