			Home About us Contact

Political Activity (political + activity)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	67%
Psychology	11%
4 Other Domains	22%

Kinds of Political Activity

corporate political activity

Selected Abstracts

Long-range transport of organic chemicals in the environment

ENVIRONMENTAL TOXICOLOGY & CHEMISTRY, Issue 4 2009
Martin Scheringer
Abstract The long-range transport (LRT) of organic chemicals in the environment is reviewed, with particular focus on the role of environmental fate and transport models and the relationship between model results and field data. Results from generic multimedia box models, spatially resolved multimedia box models, and atmospheric transport models are highlighted, including conceptual investigations of cold-trap effect and global fractionation as well as results for particular chemicals, such as hexachlorocyclohexanes, DDT, polychlorinated biphenyls, perfluoroocctanoic acid, and polybrominated diphenyl ethers. Comparison of model results to field data shows that in many cases environmental fate models provide a good description of the distribution dynamics observed in the field, with deviations between measured and modeled concentrations around a factor of five. Sorption to atmospheric aerosols as a key process influencing the LRT of semivolatile organic chemicals (SOCs) is discussed, and the need for more measurements of the aerosol,air partitioning of SOCs and of the reactivity of particle-bound chemicals is pointed out. Key findings from field campaigns measuring legacy persistent organic pollutants (POPs) as well as new POPs are summarized. Finally, the relationship between science and politics in the field of POPs is addressed. Research into the LRT of organic chemicals has always occurred in interaction with political activities aiming to reduce the emissions of POPs. Since the late 1990s, the Stockholm Convention and the Aarhus Protocol on POPs have formed an important political context for research concerning POPs; the implementation of these international treaties creates a demand for ongoing research into the LRT of organic chemicals. [source]

Towards Culturally Appropriate Assessment?

HIGHER EDUCATION QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2010
A Contribution to the Debates
Culturally appropriate assessment in higher educational is premised on factors that do not benefit minority groups, because they have no control over the processes governing such factors. Significantly, practices to account for students from different ethnic/minority/indigenous backgrounds are the inclusion of elements like their language, knowledge and culture into the curriculum. However, assessment procedures are often seen to be ,a-cultural', but are political activities that benefit the interests of some groups over others, as ,a-cultural' approaches tend to be bound within the cultural capital of the dominant group. This article examines the international discussions relating to culturally appropriate assessment through generic themes, assessment practices, cultural inclusions and cultural appropriateness. It argues that there are two distinct approaches to addressing inclusion: ,centric' and ,friendly', respectively, that result in different priorities and outcomes. Assessment however, is a political struggle between dominant and minority interests, which this article also recognises and explores. [source]

The Role of Social Networks in Immigrant Women's Political Incorporation

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW, Issue 4 2009
Elisabeth Gidengil
This article examines how immigrant women's social networks affect their propensity to vote and to participate in unconventional political activities, as well as their knowledge of politics and government services and programs. Our primary source of data is a telephone survey of women living in Canada's two largest metropolitan areas. Our findings show that contrary to the social capital literature, bonding ties do not exert strong negative effects on political incorporation, while bridging ties are not as helpful as hypothesized. What is important for immigrant women are the resources that are embedded in their social networks. [source]

Can neighborhood associations be allies in health policy efforts?

JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 1 2002
Political activity among neighborhood associations
We examined organizational characteristics and types of political actions of neighborhood associations, and factors influencing the amount of political activity among the associations. We hypothesized that four neighborhood characteristics (population size, income, educational level, and percentage of owner-occupied households) and six organizational characteristics (budget, number of staff, size of board, newsletter publication, coalition involvement, and resident involvement) would influence the amount of political activity of the associations. We obtained data from the 1990 U.S. Census and a survey of neighborhood associations (n = 84) in Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minnesota. We found that neighborhood associations engaged in numerous and diverse political activities. Results from multiple regression analyses revealed that median household income was negatively associated with amount of political activity. Population size of the neighborhood and intensity of involvement in multi-organization coalitions were both positively associated with political activity (all significant at p < .05). We conclude that neighborhood associations, particularly those in larger and poorer neighborhoods, can be key allies in health and social policy efforts. © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. [source]

Civic Spaces: Mexican Hometown Associations and Immigrant Participation

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL ISSUES, Issue 1 2010
S. Karthick Ramakrishnan
The study of civic participation and social capital in the United States has, until recently, been silent on the role of immigrant-serving organizations. There is a new line of scholarship, which indicates that ethnic organizations are generally disadvantaged in relation to White mainstream organizations on factors such as resources and political visibility. Our fieldwork on Mexican hometown associations (HTAs) in Los Angeles shows that transnational associations are even more disadvantaged than ethnic organizations that primarily serve the native born. However, this marginality leaves some counterintuitive advantages, namely the creation of safe spaces where undocumented immigrants, recent immigrants, and those with limited English proficiency can get involved in civic and political activities. We explore the extent to which these dynamics vary by gender and immigrant generation, and over time as Mexican hometown associations increasingly turn their attention to political issues in the United States. [source]

To foster or to temper?

LEGAL STUDIES, Issue 4 2006
Regulating the political activities of the voluntary, community sector
A recent consultation by the European Commission on a draft code of conduct for the voluntary and community sector to combat illegal political activities highlights the regulation of the sector. This paper considers the European Commission's code in light of the current regulation for charities and the wider voluntary and community sector, questioning whether sector-specific regulation of political activities is achievable and how such regulation could be best achieved. [source]

Transition of Adolescent Political Action Orientations to Voting Behavior in Early Adulthood in View of a Social-Cognitive Action Theory Model of Personality

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 2 2000
Günter Krampen
The political activity and voting behavior of 136 young German adults in 1994 were predicted by their political action orientations measured 7 years before. Respondents belonging to cohorts born in 1971, 1972, and 1973 were surveyed in 1987, 1988, and 1994. The questionnaires measured variables relevant to the social-cognitive action theory model of personality: self-concept of political competence, beliefs about political locus of control, political knowledge, trust in politics, satisfaction with politics, and political activity in everyday life. The results are interpreted with respect to the correlative and absolute stability versus plasticity of the variables from 1987 to 1994, as well as the predictive value of the action theory personality variables for political activities and for voting behavior measured 7 years later. Longitudinal results indicate a high predictive value of self-concept of political competence and political knowledge for political activity and voting in early adulthood. Because only these two personality variables showed relatively high positional stability coefficients from adolescence to early adulthood, the discussion refers to the necessity of early developmental interventions to prevent extreme types of politically uninterested and passive adults. Therefore, the social-cognitive action theory personality model of political participation is extended to a social-cognitive action theory personality model of political socialization in the life span. [source]

Religious transnationalism among Ghanaian immigrants in Toronto: a binary logistic regression analysis

THE CANADIAN GEOGRAPHER/LE GEOGRAPHE CANADIEN, Issue 3 2008
JOSEPH MENSAH
immigration; analyse logistique; transnationalisme religieux; Toronto Thanks to pioneering work within anthropology, students of international migration acknowledge that most immigrants do not sever their ties with the homeland, but rather maintain them through a variety of cross-border relationships. While scholarly work has proliferated, since the early 1990s, over the transnational economic and political activities of immigrants, to date, only few analysts have examined the religious practices with which immigrants sustain memberships in multiple locations. In addition, most available studies on transnational migration has dwelled on qualitative methods, such as participant observation, focus groups discussions and in-depth interviews with a handful of informants, with little or no inclination towards the quantitative measurement of key variables implicated in the process. The prevalence of ethnographic methods in this area of research has, quite understandably, engendered charges of exaggeration, given the tendency of such techniques ,to sample on the dependent variable', to borrow the phrase of Alejandro Portes. Using data collected from a survey among Ghanaian immigrant congregations in Toronto, this study seeks to statistically predict the propensity to engage in transnational religious practices by way of a binary logistic regression analysis. In addition, the study examines how the transnational religious activities of the sampled immigrants relate to, overlap with, and differ from other kinds of transnational practices they pursue. Le transnationalisme religieux chez les immigrants ghanéens de Toronto: une analyse de régression logistique binaire Grâce à des travaux pionniers en anthropologie, les étudiants qui s'intéressent à la migration internationale reconnaissent aujourd'hui que la plupart des immigrants ne vont pas rompre les liens avec leur terre d'origine mais, au contraire, les renforcer par un éventail de relations transfrontalières. Si les travaux universitaires portant sur les activités économiques et politiques transfrontalières des immigrants sont en plein essor depuis le début des années 1990, peu d'études ont abordé les pratiques religieuses par lesquelles les immigrants conservent leur adhésion à une multitude d'endroits. De plus, l'essentiel des études disponibles sur la migration transnationale insistent sur les méthodes qualitatives telles que l'observation participante, la tenue de groupes de discussion et les entrevues en profondeur auprès de quelques informateurs. Les variables principales comprises dans ce processus n'ont pas vraiment fait l'objet d'une évaluation quantitative. Les méthodes ethnographiques prédominent dans ce domaine de recherche, à qui on reproche d'être tombé dans l'exagération. Dans cette étude, les données recueillies à partir d'entrevues réalisées auprès d'immigrants ghanéens dans les congrégations de Toronto sont utilisées dans une analyse de régression logistiques binaire pour faire des prédictions statistiques sur la propension à s'engager dans des pratiques religieuses transnationales. De plus, cette étude examine comment les activités religieuses transnationales des immigrants compris dans l'échantillon s'apparentent, se superposent et se différencient par rapport aux autres types de pratiques transnationales auxquelles ils se livrent. [source]

How the New Government Utilizes Emerging Internet Media in Japan

ASIAN POLITICS AND POLICY, Issue 4 2010
Masahiro Matsuura
The newly elected Hatoyama administration has launched several projects on the Internet to facilitate interactions with the public. Politicians use Twitter to tweet their political activities and interact with other users. Government agencies have launched several new Web sites, such as hatomimi and jukugi kake-ai, and integrated video-steaming sites, such as ustream.com. Notwithstanding these efforts, however, the new administration has not yet been able to apply these forums to resolving hard political issues. [source]

Nationalisms of and Against Zainichi Koreans in Japan

ASIAN POLITICS AND POLICY, Issue 1 2010
Apichai W. Shipper
The North Korean association in Japan, Chongryun, which lacks independence from the North Korean regime, has preoccupied itself with political activities in its "home" country. It has created and intensified long-distance nationalism among its members. Conservative Japanese government officials view North Korean long-distance nationalists as a threat to Japan's national security and regional peace on the Korean peninsula. Meanwhile, certain Japanese have reacted with acts of violence and intimidation against them. For these Japanese reactive nationalists, the perceived enemy or threat from North Korea is located inside Japan itself, in the form of Chongryun. These North Korean long-distance nationalists and Japanese reactive nationalists are creating an uncomfortable environment for North Koreans in Japan, who increasingly embrace an ideology of diasporic nationalism, or an independent existence from both their homeland and host society. [source]

Feminism and Political History

AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 1 2010
Kate Murphy
Political historians traditionally privileged the political activities of men and masculine political institutions. This vision of political history was revised from the early 1970s, first by "women's history" and later due to the influence of the "gender turn". The latter encompassed a recognition that conceptions of masculinity and femininity contribute to the shaping of political power. Both developments challenged but ultimately reinvigorated political history. However, as this article will argue, political history and feminist history remain to an extent quarantined from one another, despite the radical potential for feminist scholarship to change the way politics is conceived. [source]

The political bottom line: the emerging dimension to corporate responsibility for sustainable development

BUSINESS STRATEGY AND THE ENVIRONMENT, Issue 6 2005
Jem Bendell
Abstract This paper explores the idea that businesses are being moved to proactively manage their political activities and influence in relation to their often-expressed responsibility for promoting sustainable development, which we define as managing the ,political bottom line'. We argue that three key drivers account for this shift: first, the growing criticism of voluntary corporate responsibility initiatives; second, the increasing awareness and targeting of corporate political activities, and third, a realization among certain corporate executives and financiers that, without changes to public policies, an individual company's own voluntary responsibility may not deliver sufficient commercial returns. We describe several initiatives on public policy dimensions of sustainable development, which indicate that some companies are beginning to manage their political power in light of societal concerns. In conclusion, we discuss the potential and limits of a ,political bottom line' concept by critiquing the mainstream triple bottom line discourse.Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [source]

Context and Current and Future Activities of the Society of Clinical Psychology

CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY: SCIENCE AND PRACTICE, Issue 3 2006
(Division 12 of the American Psychological Association)
Several themes and activities of the Society of Clinical Psychology (Division 12 of APA) are discussed: a seemingly inexorable trend towards more and more specialization, posing a challenge to the very identity of clinical psychology; the importance of broad and general education in core content areas, especially in the science of psychology; continuing education; a newly established committee on diversity to help promote and support the inclusion of diversity variables in both the scientific and political activities of the Society; and the Evidence-Based Practices in Psychology report, recently adopted by the Council of Representatives as the basis of APA policy. [source]

Elizabeth I as Stepmother

ENGLISH LITERARY RENAISSANCE, Issue 2 2009
Jacqueline Vanhoutte
As a number of scholars have shown, Tudor male subjects were able to arrogate to themselves unprecedented powers by playing gender against class hierarchies. This essay considers how tropes of surrogacy furthered this process of political enfranchisement. As Victor Turner suggests, recurrent tropes are dynamic phenomena, which change meaning over time in a way that reveals the "emotional and volitional dimensions" present in social contexts. The prevalence of surrogate mothers in Elizabethan political and literary discourses reflects such a volitional dimension: writers (e.g. Lyly and Shakespeare), courtiers (e.g., Sir Philip Sidney), and politicians (e.g. members of Parliament) used images of stepmothers in consciously manipulative ways. Because of the ambiguous nature of figurative language, these men posited innovative ideas indirectly long before it became possible to articulate them directly. The evil stepdames of Tudor lore form an important precedent for John Locke's enlightened "foster father," whose acquired authority undermines the divine rights of fathers and kings. Stepmother tropes provided an alternative to the dominant analogies between family and state,analogies that aimed at suppressing disobedience and rebellion and at naturalizing the status quo. While men like Sidney and John Stubbs probably intended only limited applications for their stepmother tropes, this essay shows that these tropes called their monarch's absolute rule into question and justified their own political activity. Elizabethan writers thus contributed to the process of unmooring the English monarchy from divine right ideology, a process that culminated, intellectually speaking, in Locke's insistence on the consensual nature of government. (J.V.) [source]

The Court in England, 1714,1760: A Declining Political Institution?

HISTORY, Issue 297 2005
HANNAH SMITH
Although recent studies of eighteenth-century English politics have moved beyond viewing political activity solely in parliamentary terms and consider the extra-parliamentary dimensions to political life, the royal court has not been included in this development. This article seeks to reassess the political purpose of the court of George I, and particularly that of George II, by analysing how the court functioned both as an institution and as a venue. Although the court was losing ground as an institution, with the royal household declining in political importance, the article argues that the household should not be the only means of measuring the court's political role. Through analysing the court's function as a venue for political brokerage and as a type of political theatre, it is argued that the court retained a political significance throughout the period from 1714 to 1760. The article examines the importance of the court as a place where certain forms of patronage might be obtained, and as a location for political negotiation by ministers and lower-ranking politicians. Moreover, it also analyses how the court was employed as a stage for signalling political opinion through attendance, ceremony, gesture, and costume. [source]

Politics for Better or Worse: Political Nonconformity, the Gambling Dilemma and the North of England Newspaper Company, 1903,1914

HISTORY, Issue 286 2002
Paul Gliddon
Edwardian Britain saw a revival of political activity by nonconformists, who campaigned fervently for the Liberal Party. This resurgence included the purchase of newspapers by nonconformists in the Liberal cause. Many of these nonconformists held strong moral beliefs, and scholars have suggested that there was a tension between such ideals and political practicalities, a tension that caused nonconformists to become disillusioned with political activity and to withdraw from it. However, since such arguments tend to be generalized, this article analyses one example of nonconformists' difficulties, namely those experienced by Liberals who acquired several newspapers in Darlington in 1903. These Liberal nonconformists tried in vain to run The Northern Echo, a paper of note (or notoriety, depending on one's politics), without the betting content they so deplored. This article argues that the episode does demonstrate a tension between high ideals and political practicalities, though the nonconformist response here was a pragmatic and even a mixed one that ensured the survival of a strong Liberal press in north-east England for the next fifty years. It also suggests that, although there was a significant demand for betting content among newspaper audiences, none the less that demand was of a lesser extent than historians have so far supposed. [source]

Why ,Health' is not a Central Category for Public Health Policy

JOURNAL OF APPLIED PHILOSOPHY, Issue 2 2009
STEPHEN JOHN
abstract We normally think that public health policy is an important political activity. In turn, we normally understand the value of public health policy in terms of the promotion of health or some health-related good (such as opportunity for health), on the basis of the assumption that health is an important constituent or determinant of wellbeing. In this paper, I argue that the assumption that the value of public health policy should be understood in terms of health leads us to overlook important benefits generated by such policy. To capture these benefits we need to understand the ends of public health policy in terms of the promotion of ,physical safety'. I then go on to argue that the idea that ,health' is an important category for evaluating or estimating individuals' wellbeing in the normative context of social policy is confused. I then clarify the relationship between my arguments and QALY-based accounts of health assessment. In the final section of the paper, I defend this surprising conclusion against various attacks. [source]

Can neighborhood associations be allies in health policy efforts?

The four Ps of corporate political activity: a framework for environmental analysis and corporate action

JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 2 2009
Nicolas M. Dahan
In this paper, I propose a new integrated framework which may be used to conduct a thorough analysis of a firm's political environment. The four steps of the methodology include the problem (how a political problem emerges and can be shaped by actors), the procedure (the public decision-making procedure), the policies (relevant public policies currently implemented) and the players (including policy-makers as well as participants in the political debate). Together, they form what I call the ,Four Ps of corporate political activity'. This framework can serve not only for environmental analysis and monitoring, but also to improve the effectiveness of a firm's attempts in the field of political influence, through actions such as arena selection, issue framing, the use of procedural opportunities, proactive negotiation of a compromise or gate-keeping the political arena. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

The development and regulation of lobbying in the new member states of the European Union

JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, Issue 1-2 2008
Conor McGrath
This paper focuses on lobbying as a political activity and the emergence of lobbying regulation in 10 new member states of the European Union (EU). The analysis begins with general observations about lobbying in post-communist states and on the development of lobbying in three of the larger new member states: Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic. Key to how lobbying will continue to develop in the future in these 10 countries is how it will be regulated and controlled. Therefore, the paper examines this in some detail. The analysis concludes with some recommendations on the role that could be played by professional bodies, which represent lobbyists in gaining more acceptance for interest groups in these new member states. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

Religious Activity and Political Participation: The Brazilian and Chilean Cases

LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 1 2005
Eric Patterson
Scholars debate whether the recent conversion of millions of Latin Americans to evangelical Protestantism bodes well for democratic participation or reinforces authoritarian culture and practices. Using a resource model, this study examines the link between participation in religious organizations, political engagement, and political participation in Brazil and Chile. Survey data indicate that religious organizations, particularly Protestant ones, can provide skills that members can transfer to political activity; and that different religions can result in different politics. [source]

Disjuncture, Continental philosophy's new "political Paul," and the question of progressive Christianity in a Southern California Third Wave church

AMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Issue 1 2009
JON BIALECKI
ABSTRACT Drawing on recent anthropological debates on temporality, hope, and the relationship between Christian eschatology and political action, I use Alain Badiou's reading of St. Paul's epistles to trace out the internal logic of a left-leaning Southern California church in the Vineyard, a strongly charismatic Christian denomination. I argue that members of this church see progressive politics as a function of the incomplete eschatological event of Jesus's redemption of the world. This view of progressive politics as demarcating an ontological divide serves to foreclose certain forms of political organizing and alliances because such political activity, being recognizable, does not fit the condition of radical alterity associated with the divine in church members' religious practice. [anthropology of Christianity, anthropology of temporality, Pentecostal/charismatic Christianity, Southern California, progressive Christianity, Badiou, critical anthropology] [source]

Citizenship and The State

PHILOSOPHY COMPASS (ELECTRONIC), Issue 6 2009
M. Victoria Costa
This study surveys debates on citizenship, the state, and the bases of political stability. The survey begins by presenting the primary sense of ,citizenship' as a legal status and the question of the sorts of political communities people can belong to as citizens. (Multi)nation-states are suggested as the main site of citizenship in the contemporary world, without ignoring the existence of alternative possibilities. Turning to discussions of citizen identity, the study shows that some of the discussion is motivated by a perceived need for citizens to have a sense of political belonging, on the assumption that such a sense promotes political activity and has other personal and social benefits. But there are serious problems with the strategy of understanding the relevant sense of belonging in terms of identification with the nation-state. The study explores a more promising way to generate this sense of belonging. First, societies should function, to a sufficiently high degree, in accord with political principles of justice and democratic decision making. Second, there should be a general consensus on political principles among citizens, as well as high levels of engagement in democratic deliberation. [source]

The Politicization of Migrants: Further Evidence that Politicized Collective Identity is a Dual Identity

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 5 2010
Bernd Simon
The article examines the role of collective identification processes in the politicization of Russian migrants in Germany. Building on the assumption that politicized collective identity (PCI) is a dual identity, the authors predicted and found that dual identification as both Russian and German was positively related to politicization among members of the Russian minority in Germany. This relationship held up even when the influences of several sociodemographic variables, past political activity, and other forms of collective identification were statistically controlled. In addition, perceived maltreatment of Russian migrants in Germany moderated the relationship between dual identification and politicization in keeping with the theoretical assumption that the development of PCI presupposes high awareness of shared grievances. Finally, dual identification was unrelated to acceptance of political violence, but positively related to self-restriction to peaceful political means. The constructive role of politicization driven by dual identification in social integration is discussed. [source]

Transition of Adolescent Political Action Orientations to Voting Behavior in Early Adulthood in View of a Social-Cognitive Action Theory Model of Personality

The Logic of Transnational Action: The Good Corporation and the Global Compact

POLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 4 2007
Lynn Bennie
This article examines corporate participation in the UN Global Compact programme. Using data on the world's 2,000 largest companies, we address the question of why companies voluntarily assume the programme's responsibilities and promote the rights of ,global citizenship'. Our analytic approach is to view transnational corporate political behaviour as a result of firm-level decisions shaped by country-level variation in political audience effects. Drawing on earlier research on more conventional forms of corporate political activity, we expect factors influential in the standard model of firm political activity to determine participation in the Global Compact. In addition, we argue that this highly visible, less instrumental dimension of a firm's political behaviour is driven by efforts to build a good environmental and human rights reputation with its audience of external actors. The importance of environmental and human rights concerns depends on the substance of the firm's business activities, the availability of investment and ,exit' options, and the home audience's bias towards the UN and human and environmental rights. We find support for political factors as well as firm and industry-level characteristics influencing the decision to participate in the Global Compact. [source]

ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLVEMENT AND BLACK PARTICIPATION: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE

POLITICS & POLICY, Issue 4 2000
Darryl L. McMiller
Empirical investigations of black political activity either do not include measures for associational affiliation among blacks or take into consideration differences among black organizations in their capacity to promote political activity among their members. In this investigation, a model of black political behavior was presented that included not only the standard predictors of political activity, but also incorporated measures for membership in different types of voluntary associations. Two important conclusions emerge from this study. First, this investigation demonstrated that since the 1960s, there has been an important transformation in the organizational infrastructure of the black community: blacks changed their voluntary memberships from political to nonpartisan organizations. Second, these findings showed that the decline in group-based political mobilization since the 1960s is partly the result of this shift from partisan to nonpolitical affiliations. [source]

Leading by Example: Female Members of Parliament as Political Role Models

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2007
Christina Wolbrecht
One argument advanced in favor of descriptive representation is that female politicians serve as role models, inspiring other women to political activity. While previous research finds female role models affect women's psychological engagement, few studies report an impact on women's active participation, and none have done so in cross-national research. Our work also is the first to consider whether the impact of female role models is, as the term implies, greater among the young. Using three cross-national datasets, we find that where there are more female members of parliament (MPs), adolescent girls are more likely to discuss politics with friends and to intend to participate in politics as adults, and adult women are more likely to discuss and participate in politics. The presence of female MPs registers the same effect on political discussion regardless of age, but the impact on women's political activity is far greater among the young than the old. [source]

Ethnography, space and politics: interrogating the process of protest in the Tibetan Freedom Movement

AREA, Issue 1 2009
Andrew D Davies
This paper examines the ability of ethnographic research methods to effectively study spatially extensive political activity. It argues that traditional ethnographic methods of sustained engagement with spatially bounded sites are not adequately suited to dealing with contemporary spatially extensive political movements. It argues that contemporary attempts to bridge this impasse have emphasised a dichotomy between global and local that ignores the connections, disconnections and process that occur between places. The paper argues for a critical ethnography that is based on a relational understanding of space emphasising Gillian Hart's conception of the interconnected nature of the ,site'. Taking a single demonstration against the Beijing 2008 Olympics conducted by UK-based Tibet supporters, it examines how the site of protest was closely linked to a variety of other places. Interrogating the processes of connection and disconnection brought about through the protest creates an ethnographic account that, while partial, develops an engagement with the heterogeneity of contemporary political action. [source]