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Selected AbstractsConstitutional Legitimacy and Credible Commitments in the European UnionEUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 1 2005Antonio Estella The N-C (No Constitution) thesis is being forcefully defended, in particular, by authors in the ,contextual' or ,law in context' tradition. However, likewise using a ,contextual' methodology, in this article I argue that the N-C thesis is in many regards misplaced. In this work, I defend the idea that Europe must adopt a constitution for reasons of credibility. I also try to show the main pitfalls of the N-C thesis. [source] So near yet so far: blocked networks, global links and multiple exclusion in the German,Polish borderlandsGLOBAL NETWORKS, Issue 3 2006JÖRG DÜRRSCHMIDT We rarely consider borders and border regions. However, state borders provide a crucial component of a globalizing society in transition. Exhibiting a structural ambivalence, borders can be seedbeds of cosmopolitanism, sites of cultural closure, or often both simultaneously. To understand cross-border interaction we have to engage with a complex configuration of global and sub-global dynamics. In this article I argue that borders are revealing analytical tools that must be included in any grounded theory of global change. I draw on fieldwork conducted in the German-Polish border region, mostly in the German-Polish twin city Guben/Gubin. Here we are confronted with the simultaneous processes of globalization, European integration and post-socialist transformation. [source] Paint and Pedagogy: Anton Ehrenzweig and the Aesthetics of Art EducationINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ART & DESIGN EDUCATION, Issue 3 2009Beth Williamson Anton Ehrenzweig's work training art teachers at Goldsmiths College in London was groundbreaking in its field. The work of the studio fed back into Ehrenzweig's writings through his reflections on teaching and the work produced in end of year shows. In The Hidden Order of Art (1967), he theorised the creative process in psychoanalytic terms and elsewhere likened the task of the art teacher to that of a psychotherapist. In this article I argue that, by taking psychoanalytic art theory into the teaching studio, Ehrenzweig provided a psychic space within which students were freed from convention and encouraged to pursue their own practice. [source] The end of public housing as we know it: public housing policy, labor regulation and the US cityINTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2003Jeff R. Crump In this article I argue that the US public housing policy, as codified by the Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act of 1998 (QHWRA), is helping to reconfigure the racial and class structure of many inner cities. By promoting the demolition of public housing projects and replacement with mixed-income housing developments, public housing policy is producing a gentrified inner-city landscape designed to attract middle and upper-class people back to the inner city. The goals of public housing policy are also broadly consonant with those of welfare reform wherein the ,workfare' system helps to bolster and produce the emergence of contingent low-wage urban labor markets. In a similar manner, I argue that public housing demonstration programs, such as the ,Welfare-to-Work' initiative, encourage public housing residents to join the lowwage labor market. Although the rhetoric surrounding the demolition of public housing emphasizes the economic opportunities made available by residential mobility, I argue that former public housing residents are simply being relocated into private housing within urban ghettos. Such a spatial fix to the problems of unemployment and poverty will not solve the problems of inner-city poverty. Will it take another round of urban riots before we seriously address the legacy of racism and discrimination that has shaped the US city? Cet article démontre que la politique du logement public américaine, telle que la réglemente la Loi de 1998, Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act, contribue à remodeler la structure par races et classes de nombreux quartiers déshérités des centres-villes. En favorisant la démolition d'ensembles de logements sociaux et leur remplacement par des complexes urbanisés à loyers variés, la politique publique génère un embourgeoisement des centres-villes destinéà y ramener les classes moyennes et supérieures. Les objectifs de la politique du logement rejoignent largement ceux de la réforme sociale où le système de ,l'allocation conditionnelle' facilite et nourrit la création de marchés contingents du travail à bas salaires. De même, les programmes expérimentaux de logements publics, telle l'initiative Welfare-to-Work (De l'aide sociale au travail) poussent les habitants des logements sociaux à rejoindre le marchéde la main d',uvre à bas salaires. Bien que les discours autour de la démolition des logements sociaux mettent en avant les ouvertures économiques créées par la mobilité résidentielle, leurs anciens habitants sont simplement en train d'être déplacés vers des logements privés situés dans des ghettos urbains. Ce genre de solution spatiale aux problèmes du chômage et de la pauvreté ne viendra pas à bout du dénuement des quartiers déshérités du centre. Faudra-t-il une autre série d'émeutes urbaines pour que l'on aborde sérieusement l'héritage de racisme et de discrimination qui a façonné les villes américaines? [source] Rejoinder: Alex Schwartz's critique of ,The end of public housing as we know it'INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2003Jeff R. Crump In this article I argue that the US public housing policy, as codified by the Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act of 1998 (QHWRA), is helping to reconfigure the racial and class structure of many inner cities. By promoting the demolition of public housing projects and replacement with mixed-income housing developments, public housing policy is producing a gentrified inner-city landscape designed to attract middle and upper-class people back to the inner city. The goals of public housing policy are also broadly consonant with those of welfare reform wherein the ,workfare' system helps to bolster and produce the emergence of contingent low-wage urban labor markets. In a similar manner, I argue that public housing demonstration programs, such as the ,Welfare-to-Work' initiative, encourage public housing residents to join the lowwage labor market. Although the rhetoric surrounding the demolition of public housing emphasizes the economic opportunities made available by residential mobility, I argue that former public housing residents are simply being relocated into private housing within urban ghettos. Such a spatial fix to the problems of unemployment and poverty will not solve the problems of inner-city poverty. Will it take another round of urban riots before we seriously address the legacy of racism and discrimination that has shaped the US city? Cet article démontre que la politique du logement public américaine, telle que la réglemente la Loi de 1998, Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act, contribue à remodeler la structure par races et classes de nombreux quartiers déshérités des centres-villes. En favorisant la démolition d'ensembles de logements sociaux et leur remplacement par des complexes urbanisés à loyers variés, la politique publique génère un embourgeoisement des centres-villes destinéà y ramener les classes moyennes et supérieures. Les objectifs de la politique du logement rejoignent largement ceux de la réforme sociale oú le système de ,l'allocation conditionnelle' facilite et nourrit la création de marchés contingents du travail à bas salaires. De même, les programmes expérimentaux de logements publics, telle l'initiative Welfare-to-Work (De l'aide sociale au travail) poussent les habitants des logements sociaux à rejoindre le marchéde la main d',uvre à bas salaires. Bien que les discours autour de la démolition des logements sociaux mettent en avant les ouvertures économiques créées par la mobilité résidentielle, leurs anciens habitants sont simplement en train d'être déplacés vers des logements privés situés dans des ghettos urbains. Ce genre de solution spatiale aux problèmes du chômage et de la pauvreté ne viendra pas à bout du dénuement des quartiers déshérités du centre. Faudra-t-il une autre série d'émeutes urbaines pour que l'on aborde sérieusement l'héritage de racisme et de discrimination qui a façonné les villes américaines? [source] Localised agricultural knowledge and food production in sub-Saharan AfricaINTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL, Issue 187 2006Lazare Séhouéto In Benin localised agricultural knowledge is produced or taken on board by the farmers according to their specific cognitive frames and social logic. It is therefore important to analyse them in their complexity. The analysis of farmers' knowledge as to the choice of associating or not associating various crops shows that, while the reasons advanced in the first case are above all ecological (more than 80 per cent of the responses), those put forward in the second are at once economic and ecological. Yet the farming calendar is not merely an adaptation to weather and climatic requirements: it brings together the implications of politics, economics, religion, and natural constraints. In this article I argue that to promote this localised knowledge which helps the majority of men and women who live south of the Sahara to survive, scientists must make more rigorous descriptions and interpretations of localised knowledge, in order to avoid the risk of becoming trapped in folklore or the mystical. [source] "A Disease of Frozen Feelings":MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY QUARTERLY, Issue 3 2010Ethically Working on Emotional Worlds in a Russian Orthodox Church Drug Rehabilitation Program In a Russian Orthodox Church drug rehabilitation program in St. Petersburg, drug addiction was often described as a disease of frozen feelings. This image suggests that rehabilitation is a process of thawing emotional worlds and, thus, allows the emotions to flow once again. In this article I argue that "frozen feelings" is better understood as the unsocial emotional worlds many drug users experience, and that rehabilitation in this church-run program particularly focuses on the cultivation of an emotional world that supports sociality. This is done, I argue, by means of ethically training rehabilitants to learn how to control and manage their emotional worlds, and in so doing, rehabilitants become new moral persons better able to live in the social world. [source] The Search for the Source of Epistemic GoodMETAPHILOSOPHY, Issue 1-2 2003Linda Zagzebski Knowledge has almost always been treated as good, better than mere true belief, but it is remarkably difficult to explain what it is about knowledge that makes it better. I call this "the value problem." I have previously argued that most forms of reliabilism cannot handle the value problem. In this article I argue that the value problem is more general than a problem for reliabilism, infecting a host of different theories, including some that are internalist. An additional problem is that not all instances of true belief seem to be good on balance, so even if a given instance of knowing p is better than merely truly believing p, not all instances of knowing will be good enough to explain why knowledge has received so much attention in the history of philosophy. The article aims to answer two questions: (1) What makes knowingp better than merely truly believing p? The answer involves an exploration of the connection between believing and the agency of the knower. Knowing is an act in which the knower gets credit for achieving truth. (2) What makes some instances of knowing good enough to make the investigation of knowledge worthy of so much attention? The answer involves the connection between the good of believing truths of certain kinds and a good life. In the best kinds of knowing, the knower not only gets credit for getting the truth but also gets credit for getting a desirable truth. The kind of value that makes knowledge a fitting object of extensive philosophical inquiry is not independent of moral value and the wider values of a good life. [source] Rape and Rape Avoidance in Ethno-National Conflicts: Sexual Violence in Liminalized StatesAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 1 2000Robert M. Hayden Mass rape is a common but not universal occurrence in ethnic or nationalist conflicts. Using South Asian and Bosnian data, in this article I argue that mass rape is likely when such conflicts take place during the partition of a territory and its population, when the state itself is liminal, both its territory and control over it uncertain. In conflicts in which the state is not itself threatened, and thus groups feel that they will continue to coexist, there is some evidence that rape is avoided, even when murder is accepted. However, such instances of rape avoidance are largely unstudied, in large part because of the focus on the violence of mass rape. Further, this focus on violence tends toward classifying all sexual relations between groups whose members have participated in mass rape as improper, thus depriving women who may not wish to rejoin their natal groups of agency, [rape, genocide, violence, India, Yugoslavia/Bosnia] [source] The Limits of Institutionalised Legal Discourse,RATIO JURIS, Issue 4 2005EMMANUEL MELISSARIS In this article I argue that the thesis based on the openness of legal discourse is problematic in that it does not provide a convincing account of the differentiation of legal discourse from other practical discourses. I offer an understanding of the institutionalisation of legal discourse as the tacit commitment of the participants to their shared normative experience and in particular in: 1) the possibility of containing normative force in space, 2) the possibility of transforming word into deed, 3) the possibility of grasping and controlling time and 4) the possibility of transforming deed into word. That commitment of participants in legal discourse is revealed as a set of fundamental assumptions embedded in all legal utterances, which provide the necessary bedrock that makes communication possible. It also provides a basis for the institution of legal discourse, to the effect that their problematisation signifies a departure from the latter. [source] The regulatory state and the UK Labour Government's re-regulation of provision in the English National Health ServiceREGULATION & GOVERNANCE, Issue 4 2009John S. F. Wright Abstract Following its election in 1997, the UK Labour Government embarked upon a 10 year program of reform of the National Health Service (NHS). By 2005, Labour had doubled the NHS budget and dramatically transformed the shape of the Service. In England, a basic characteristic of the NHS is the organizational split between provider and commissioning agencies. In this article I argue that Labour's re-regulation of NHS provision is a coherent representation of the influence of the "regulatory state" in restructuring arrangements between government, market, and society. The article offers an account of the regulatory state based on a discussion of five key theses: The Audit Society, Regulation Inside Government, The New Regulatory State, The British Regulatory State, and Regulatory Capitalism. The article unfolds Labour's program of reform across themes common to these accounts: the division of labor between state and society, the division of labor within the state, the formalization of previously informal controls, and the development of meta-regulatory techniques of enforced self-regulation. It concludes that the key themes of the regulatory state are at work in Labour's transformation of NHS provision and it offers a discussion of the implications for both scholars of regulation and the UK and European health policy literature. [source] Working Through Tradition: Experiential Learning and Formal Training as Markers of Class and Caste in North Indian Block PrintingANTHROPOLOGY OF WORK REVIEW, Issue 2 2005Alicia Ory DeNicola Abstract Located about 40 kilometers west of Jaipur, India, Bagru is home to a nationally renowned cluster of about 100 artisan families who use wooden blocks and rely heavily on regionally manufactured natural dyes to hand print upscale boutique textiles for the world market. As printers have successfully entered into export markets, they have sold their products as "traditional," marking their commodities as distinct from mass-produced, screen-printed textiles made with chemical dyes in urban factories. At the same time, designers have played an important role in introducing these traditional products to a global market, marking their role as "innovative." In this article I argue that the articulation and practice of tradition and innovation within different works, then, serve to mediate and maintain class distinctions in an arena where a rising middle class is still self-consciously creating itself. This article explores the distinctive formal and experiential learning associated with tradition and innovation alongside the discourses that accompany them. What is implicitly at stake in this narrative is the construction and maintenance of a class distinction: one that borrows from local caste understandings of patronage and responsibility at the same time that it manages to negotiate local and global systems,both exploiting and being exploited by the consistently reconstructed boundaries of the market. [source] The Asian Rejection?: International Refugee Law in Asia,AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 4 2006Sara E. Davies The majority of Asian states have not signed onto the major international refugee law instruments which promote refugee recognition and protection. Yet, second to Africa, the Asian region has had the highest number of refugees since the Second World War. Three explanations are usually offered to explain this puzzle ,"good neighbourliness", "economic costs" and "social disruption". In this article I argue that each is flawed in important ways and then develop an alternative by explaining how limited Asian involvement in the drafting of international refugee law has led Asian states to reject Eurocentric refugee recognition practices. [source] The Seed of Freedom: Regional Security and the Colombo PlanAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND HISTORY, Issue 1 2000Daniel Oakman Established in 1950, the Colombo Plan was a comprehensive program of foreign aid provided to South East Asian nations. In this article I argue that the Colombo Plan had a much broader political and cultural agenda, and cannot be understood from a humanitarian perspective alone. By exploring some of the cultural, ideological and political underpinnings of the scheme I illustrate that, as part of a comprehensive foreign policy, it is best understood as being motivated by international security priorities and the need to ally domestic cultural concerns. Although the Colombo Plan was inherently defensive, it also proved to be something of a progressive force which prepared the ground for a much closer relationship with (and within) the Southeast Asian region. [source] |