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Peace Movement (peace + movement)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	94%

Selected Abstracts

The Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo: A Peace Movement

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 3 2002
Viviana M. Abreu Hernandez
On April 30, 1977, at 3:30 in the afternoon a historical transformation began in Argentina. This transformation was carried out by Argentinean women acting in the social and political spheres against a military regime that directly affected them and their futures. The Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo have reshaped the concepts of motherhood, feminism, activism, resistance, and social action in Argentina and the rest of the world. This study looks at the Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo as a peace movement instead of a human rights movement, resistance movement, or feminist movement, as it has been previously analyzed. Looking at the literature analyzing peace movements and nonviolent direct action, I propose that the Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo should be seen as a peace movement. [source]

Identity affirmation and social movement support

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2008
Bernd Simon
It is argued that the power of collective identification to mobilize people for collective action such as social movement support derives at least partly from processes of identity affirmation. The hypothesized identity-affirming function of social movement support is tested in two laboratory experiments which revolve around collective identity as a supporter of the peace movement. In Experiment 1, we predicted and found that people who strongly identified with the peace movement showed more movement support (i.e. made more monetary donations to the peace movement) under conditions of uncertain as opposed to certain possession of identity as a movement supporter. In Experiment 2, we replicated this finding, but also found, in accordance with the notion of substitution, that the mobilizing effect of uncertain collective-identity possession was undermined when an identity symbol was available that could function as a surrogate for more costly identity-affirming behaviour. Further conceptual and social implications of the identity-affirming function of social movement support are discussed. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [source]

An Environmental Origin of Antinuclear Activism in Japan, 1954,1963: The Government, the Grassroots Movement, and the Politics of Risk

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 3 2008
Toshihiro Higuchi
This paper challenges the centrality of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in our understanding of Japan's antinuclear activism. Focusing on the social distribution and perception of the fallout d*anger, I reexamine the symbiotic dynamics of governmental diplomacy and the grassroots movement against nuclear tests from 1954 to 1963. I argue that radioactive pollution during the Bikini incident triggered a consumerist and materialist turn in the peace movement with housewives at the center. Initially resisting the citizens' perception of risk, the conservative administration by 1957 came to embrace it and launched diplomacy against nuclear tests to steal people's support away from the grassroots movement. At this crucial moment, the grassroots movement's leadership switched its focus from fallout to the "war policy" in the West, which brought about a paradigm shift from the consumerist and materialist platform toward militant workerism for socialist peace. Now disparaging fallout as merely a "physical phenomenon," the campaign leaders left the environmental angle exposed in 1961 when the Soviet Union unilaterally broke a test moratorium in effect since 1958. While the government's diplomacy, shrewdly stressing the fallout danger, applied a blow to the campaign, the group was split and paralyzed over a protest of Soviet fallout until it dissolved in 1963. The Japanese experience ultimately proved to be an abortive attempt to grasp the environmental legacy of the Bikini incident. [source]

"The Humaner Instinct of Women": Hannah Bailey and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union's Critique of Militarism and Manliness in the Late Nineteenth Century

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 2 2008
Tara M. McCarthy
From its founding in 1887, the National Peace and Arbitration Department of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), led by Hannah Johnston Bailey (1839,1923), provided an important source of women's peace activism. Bailey used the strength and organization of the WCTU to promote the peace movement, reaching beyond male-dominated peace societies to appeal directly to women. Her work, particularly in the area of peace education, laid the foundation for other peace activists in the early twentieth century. Beginning in the late nineteenth century, when many Americans began to express concern over the decline of masculinity, the women of the WCTU challenged the association of patriotism with manliness and militarism. Instead, they advocated a new definition, seeking to replace the martial ideal with one emphasizing public service. [source]

Memoirs of a Peace Historian

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 1 2005
Irwin Abrams
This article will tell the personal story of how I came to write about the peace movement and then something about my work on this subject during my year in Europe 1936,37 as a Harvard Sheldon Traveling Fellow. Due to time and space restrictions, I will concentrate mainly on my time in Geneva at the International Peace Bureau and the Library of the League of Nations. In the journal I started on January 18, 1936, I wrote, "I do not know how long I can keep this up, but if I am able to, how much pleasure I shall have when I, as a bearded and bent octogenarian, can read over this record." I did keep it up through those years, and though I am not bearded and not too bent, but still an octogenarian for another month, I have indeed been reading with much enjoyment my pages about how this rather naive twenty-two-year-old encountered Europe for the first time. [source]

Racial Nationalism as a Paradigm in International Relations: the Kosovo Conflict as Seen by the Far Right in Germany

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 1 2004
Fabian Virchow
As the German Federal Armed Forces are becoming more involved in wars since the early 1990s, the far right in Germany strengthens its propaganda on matters of war and peace. Despite its general military-friendly stance and high regard of soldiery, the far right in its majority is very critical toward the deployment of German troops because this use is seen as being in the interests of the United States and Israel. Therefore, anti-Americanism as well as anti-Semitism and racial nationalism dominate the statements of the far right that creates the self-image of being the "real peace movement" at the same time that they favor a new hegemonic position for Germany in Europe. [source]

From the Bottom Up: The Ramifications of the History of the New Jersey Committee for a SANE Nuclear Policy

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 1 2003
Allen Smith
Local SANE activists, like the rest of the peace movement of the late fifties and early sixties, were more left and more female than heretofore understood. By contrast, national SANE's largely male, social,democratic leadership was more isolated and more autocratic than earlier portraits have acknowledged. The divisions of May 1960 arose with the group's founding and lasted into the new decade. However, one cannot understand the divisions, and thus understand the actual history of SANE, without studying the local level. New Jersey SANE, which was always SANE's most vibrant chapter, provides the lens through which this paper contributes to that fuller understanding. [source]

Confronting the Johnson Administration at War: The Trial of Dr. Spock and Use of the Courtroom to Effect Political Change

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 1 2003
Michael S. Foley
The Johnson administration's 1968 decision to indict Dr. Benjamin Spock and four others for conspiracy to aid and abet draft resisters thrilled the antiwar movement because it demonstrated that the government could no longer ignore the growing number of Americans opposed to the Vietnam War. In the months leading up to the trial, expectations ran high as the antiwar movement looked forward to a courtroom confrontation in which they hoped to see the government's policies put on trial. This article argues that the trial did not live up to its billing, however, because the defendants and their attorneys pursued both political and civil libertarian trial strategies that were, in practice, mutually exclusive. Although the trial disappointed the peace movement, its shortcomings warrant renewed attention for the lessons it offers those who again will seek a courtroom confrontation with their governments during wartime. [source]

The Mothers of La Plaza de Mayo: A Peace Movement

The Politics of Peace in the GDR: The Independent Peace Movement, the Church, and the Origins of the East German Opposition

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 3 2001
Steven Pfaff
Comparative research offers some insights into the genesis of movements under highly repressive conditions in which dissident groups are systematically denied the organizational and political resources necessary to mount a sustained challenge to the state. During the 1970s and 1980s there were circles of dissidents in the German Democratic Republic (GDR, or East Germany), but most grievances were not expressed in an organized form, and there were few opportunities to mobilize protest against the Communist regime. State repression and party control of society meant that opposition had to be organized within institutions that were shielded from state control. Religious subcultures offered a rival set of identities and values while generally accommodating the demands of the regime. Within the free social space offered by the church, a peace movement developed during the late 1970s and early 1980s. The effort to build an independent citizens' peace movement based in the church played an important role in linking together various groups committed to nonviolent protest, peace, ecology, and human rights into a coherent, if still organizationally weak, opposition during the East German revolution of 1989. [source]

Teaching Peace: Lessons from a Peace Studies Curriculum of the Progressive Era

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 1 2000
Susan Zeiger
The historical roots of peace education as a school reform movement can be traced to the progressive era in the United States. This essay offers a content analysis of the first comprehensive peace education curriculum, published in 1914 by the American School Peace League, under the direction of Fannie Fern Andrews. Examining the curriculum raises fundamental questions about the teacher's role in social change; it also reveals ideological tensions within the peace movement of the WorldWar I period. [source]

Structure versus culture again: Corporatism and the ,new politics' in 16 Western European countries

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 5 2003
Bojan Todosijevi
This article analyzes the relationships between corporatism and ,new politics' using Siaroff's (1999) corporatism scores for 16 West European countries and data from Inglehart et al.'s (1998) World Value Survey. The results of the analysis show that corporatism is related to higher membership in peace movements and also to belief in the urgency of ecological problems. However, it is unrelated to postmaterialist values, votes for ,new parties', approval of the environmentalist and feminist movements, and willingness to contribute financially to environmental protection. The relationships between corporatism and ,new politics' is shown to be somewhat mediated by economic factors, while the hypothesis that postmaterialism is a principal factor behind the popularity of the new social movements is not substantiated. [source]

7.,Relevant Hellenic Factors Favoring Effective Dialogue and Peaceful Coexistence

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY, Issue 1 2009
Article first published online: 18 FEB 200, Leonidas Bargeliotes
The paper presents and analyzes the war/peace issue in the Hellenic tradition and its relevance to the contemporary world. It is focused on some of the Hellenic factors that were successfully used in antiquity to overcome conflicts and war and to achieve a harmoniously existing world. The factors that can be used as paradigmatic cases are the conceptions of divine kosmos and of polis; effective dialogue; the education of rulers and of citizens so as to be able to govern themselves and use their power in order to preserve civilization for posterity and to sustain their values, to oppose stasis and to embrace homonoia, to overcome conflicts and to preserve peace in more than two hundred city-states. In addition, I argue that the long and rich Hellenic experience is relevant to our epoch in the sense that it is universally known for its anti-polemic policy and its peace movements. Conceptions such as kosmos and organismic polis, the practice of laws and of homonoia, or friendship, can contribute to the solution of our local and world problems and the prevention of contemporary violence, terrorism, and wars. They can be used by future generations as a model of how to prevent the repetition of another holocaust, of any extermination of human beings by human beings (Dachau), or of any war tragedies (bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki). They show, above all, how humanity can achieve a lasting world peace. [source]

A Merger of Movements: Peace and Civil Rights Activism in Postwar Miami

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 2 2010
Raymond A. Mohl
This article suggests the importance of studying local peace movements in postwar America, as civil rights historians have been doing for two decades. The article also argues that peace and civil rights often reflected the same progressive impulse for social justice,thus the importance of exploring the relationships and interconnections between the two movements. This case study of peace and civil rights in postwar Miami documents the role of politically progressive Jews, especially Jewish women, in forging a social justice movement focused on peace, civil liberties, and civil rights. Mostly newcomers from northern cities, a small group of activist Jews played a major organizational role in local branches of such civil rights and peace groups as the Civil Rights Congress, the Congress of Racial Equality, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, and Women Strike for Peace. For those who chose the activist path, peace and civil rights became inseparable components of a local social justice crusade challenging racial segregation and national Cold War policies. [source]

Seeking the Truth, Spiritual and Political: Japanese American Community Building through Engaged Ethnic Buddhism

PEACE & CHANGE, Issue 1 2010
Masumi Izumi
This essay documents the history of the Senshin Buddhist Temple in South Central Los Angeles, a Japanese American temple belonging to the Jodo Shinshu (True Pure Land) School. In the United States, ethnic Buddhists are generally perceived as socially conservative and politically passive, while convert Buddhists are known to be active in peace movements and social activism. The essay analyzes the reforms Senshin members introduced to the temple's religious rituals and elucidates the development of new cultural activities and art forms, which not only contributed to the emergence of vernacular ethnic art and music, but also to the construction of a community of socially engaged Japanese American Buddhists. By opening their temple to members of local minority communities, Senshin Buddhists formed artistic and political coalitions with other peoples of color, harboring subaltern cultural activism, which transgressed national, racial, and religious borders, and defied hegemonic racial, gender, and class hierarchies. [source]