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Patronage
Terms modified by Patronage Selected AbstractsPROPERTIUS, PATRONAGE AND POLITICSBULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES, Issue 1 2007S. J. HEYWORTH First page of article [source] Power and Patronage in Early Medieval Italy.EARLY MEDIEVAL EUROPE, Issue 1 2010By Marios Costambeys, Italian Politics, Local Society, c.700, the Abbey of Farfa No abstract is available for this article. [source] The Impact of Life Events on Perceived Financial Stress, Clothing-Specific Lifestyle, and Retail Patronage: The Recent IMF Economic Crisis in KoreaFAMILY & CONSUMER SCIENCES RESEARCH JOURNAL, Issue 1 2000Soyeon Shim Using Andreasen's Model of Life Change Effects as a theoretical framework, the purpose of this study was to develop and test a model that depicts the direct and indirect influence of a life event, the Korean International Monetary Fund (IMF) crisis, on financial stress, clothing-specific lifestyle, and retail patronage behavior. A total of 502 females from two major metropolitan cities in Korea responded to a survey questionnaire. A structural equation modeling technique was used to test the hypotheses. Several statistical criteria supported theoretical, causal relationships among the measurement models in the study, providing strong support for Andreasen's model. More specifically, the IMF impact had affected retail patronage behavior directly as well as indirectly through clothing-specific lifestyles and financial stress. Both clothing-specific lifestyles and financial stress had an influence on retail patronage behavior. The IMF event had a stronger direct and total impact than financial stress on changes in retail patronage behavior. Theoretical and managerial implications are discussed. [source] Cardinal Bendinello Sauli and Church Patronage in Sixteenth-Century Italy , By Helen HydeHISTORY, Issue 320 2010THOMAS KIRK No abstract is available for this article. [source] Royal Patronage and the Earls in the Reign of Edward IHISTORY, Issue 309 2008ANDREW M. SPENCER Despite his reputation as one of the most successful English monarchs of the middle ages, Edward I has never been seen as a generous king. This article looks afresh at the accepted view of Edward I as a miserly king and, by examining his relationship with his earls, seeks to demonstrate that Edward had a sophisticated and judicious approach to patronage which was based upon rewarding good service. The article attempts to place Edward I's patronage in line with the later template of Edward III. In reassessing the judgements of K. B. McFarlane and M. C. Prestwich, the article reconsiders Edward's policy of land grants in England, Wales and Scotland, and also draws upon new material such as the king's grants of deer from the royal forests, charters of free warren and the remission of debts to the exchequer. [source] Noble Patronage and Jesuit Missions: Maria Theresia von Fugger-Wellenburg (1690,1762) and Jesuit Missionaries in China and Vietnam , By R. Po-Chia HsiaJOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY, Issue 4 2009Paul Shore No abstract is available for this article. [source] Auctioning Patronage in Northeast Brazil: The Political Value of Money in a Ritual MarketAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 2 2010Aaron Ansell ABSTRACT, Fundraising auctions help people in a small rural town in Northeast Brazil reckon with the effects that currency stabilization and democratization have had on municipal politics. These simultaneous processes have made politics confusing for the people of Passerinho by creating multiple modalities of electoral reciprocity. In this article, I argue that the ritual procedures of the auctions commensurate these modalities of reciprocity through a semiotic procedure in which money signifies both exchange value and more personal forms of value. I consider the auction's impact on municipal politics by looking at its effect on the narrative of democratic progress and on the prestige of grassroots politicians, traditional elites, and voluntary associations. [source] Praying for Drought: Persistent Vulnerability and the Politics of Patronage in Ceará, Northeast BrazilAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Issue 3 2009Donald R. Nelson First page of article [source] Friendship with God and the Transformation of Patronage in the Thought of John ChrysostomNEW BLACKFRIARS, Issue 998 2004Michael Sherwin OP [source] Religion, Dynasty, and Patronage in Early Christian Rome, 300-900 , Edited by Kate Cooper and Julia HillnerRELIGIOUS STUDIES REVIEW, Issue 1 2010William B. Palardy No abstract is available for this article. [source] The Franciscans and Art Patronage in Late Medieval Italy by Louise BourduaRENAISSANCE STUDIES, Issue 1 2006Ian Holgate First page of article [source] The Patriotic Business of Seeking Office: James K. Polk and the Patronage , By John DevotiTHE HISTORIAN, Issue 2 2008M. Philip Lucas No abstract is available for this article. [source] The Promise of Patronage: Adapting and Adopting Neoliberal DevelopmentANTIPODE, Issue 1 2010Kathleen O'Reilly Abstract:, Much of the literature on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and development suggests that a top-down process is underway which leads to the dispersal of neoliberal ideals. Drawing on 2 years of ethnographic research in Rajasthan, India, this paper examines how a poverty alleviation project "fits" into competitive,and,co-operative socio-economic relations already operating on the ground. It argues that in contradiction to neoliberal notions of empowerment espoused by project policies, both NGOs and their constituents have an interest in establishing and maintaining patronage networks that stabilize relationships of dependency. The paper concludes that neoliberal development projects serve to enable patron,client relationships between NGOs and villagers, and enroll the state in the continuing provision of benefits beyond those planned by the project. [source] Urbanism in Siena: A Polite Tale of Patronage, Profit and PowerART HISTORY, Issue 3 2010Helen Hills First page of article [source] Development and Distortion of Malaysian Public-Private Partnerships , Patronage, Privatised Profits and PitfallsAUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, Issue 2010Loo-See Beh This article examines the politicisation of systemic patronage and privatised profits in the development of Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) in Malaysia. Issues associated with inadequate regulatory frameworks, control, accountability and poorly managed risks, demonstrate that much more effective reforms are required to reduce further pitfalls, to protect public interests and to uphold the integrity of the public service and government. The adoption of a transparent procurement and evaluation system will be a challenging task if public and investor confidence is to be built up and strategic partnerships in the complex web of governance and administrative relationships in the governance of PPPs are to be developed effectively. Finally directions of reform and lessons learnt are suggested. [source] Patronage and empowerment in the central AmazonBULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 4 2000Scott William Hoefle Abstract The shift from modern to post-modern politics in the Central Amazon is critically evaluated. While considerable empowerment of previously marginalised. Amerindians, rubber tapers and frontier peasants has occurred, patronage networks remain top down in their decision-making process, significant horizontal political mobilisation between different social actors has not emerged and grassroots political organisation has been stymied by authoritarian politics at the state level. Consequently, as empowerment is supposed to lie at the heart of building sustainable livelihoods in the Amazon, by this line of logic, the future of the region would seem to be seriously compromised. [source] Brazil's Bolsa Família: A Double-Edged Sword?DEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE, Issue 5 2008Anthony Hall ABSTRACT In common with most Latin American countries, as governments embrace safety nets to attack poverty, conditional cash transfer (CCT) programmes have become part of mainstream social policy in Brazil. Under president Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995,2002), and especially since Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva took office in 2003, targeted assistance in education, health and nutrition, now united under Bolsa Família, have expanded rapidly to benefit forty-four million (24 per cent of the total population), absorbing almost two-fifths of the social assistance budget earmarked for the poorest sectors. Despite its operational problems, Bolsa Família appears to have been effective in providing short-term relief to some of the most deprived groups in Brazil. Yet it could prove to be a double-edged sword. There is a risk that, due to its popularity among both the poor and Brazil's politicians, Bolsa Família could greatly increase patronage in the distribution of economic and social benefits and induce a strong dependence on government handouts. There are also early signs that it may be contributing to a reduction in social spending in key sectors such as education, housing and basic sanitation, possibly undermining the country's future social and economic development. [source] Women's Movements and Challenges to Neopatrimonial Rule: Preliminary Observations from AfricaDEVELOPMENT AND CHANGE, Issue 1 2001Aili Tripp Women's movements in Africa represent one of the key societal forces challenging state clientelistic practices, the politicization of communal differences, and personalized rule. In the 1980s and 1990s we have witnessed not only the demise of patronage-based women's wings that were tied to ruling parties, but also the concurrent growth of independent women's organizations with more far-reaching agendas. The emergence of such autonomous organizations has been a consequence of the loss of state legitimacy, the opening-up of political space, economic crisis, and the shrinking of state resources. Drawing on examples from Africa, this article shows why independent women's organizations and movements have often been well situated to challenge clientelistic practices tied to the state. Gendered divisions of labour, gendered organizational modes and the general exclusion of women from both formal and informal political arenas have defined women's relationship to the state, to power, and to patronage. These characteristics have, on occasion, put women's movements in a position to challenge various state-linked patronage practices. The article explores some of the implications of these challenges. [source] The temptations of cult: Roman martyr piety in the age of Gregory the GreatEARLY MEDIEVAL EUROPE, Issue 3 2000Conrad Leyser Pope Gregory the Great (590,604) was arguably the most important Roman writer and civic leader of the early middle ages; the Roman martyrs were certainly the most important cult figures of the city. However modern scholarship on the relationship between Gregory and the Roman martyrs remains curiously underdeveloped, and has been principally devoted to comparison of the gesta martyrum with the stories of Italian holy men and women (in particular St Benedict) told by Gregory in his Dialogues; in the past generation the Dialogues have come to be understood as a polemic against the model of sanctity proposed by the Roman martyr narratives. This paper explores Gregory's role in the development of Roman martyr cult in the context of the immediate social world of Roman clerical politics of the sixth and seventh centuries. Gregory's authority as bishop of Rome was extremely precarious: the Roman clerical hierarchy with its well-developed protocols did not take kindly to the appearance of Gregory and his ascetic companions. In the conflict between Gregory and his followers, and their opponents, both sides used patronage of martyr cult to advance their cause. In spite of the political necessity of engaging in such ,competitive generosity', Gregory was also concerned to channel martyr devotion, urging contemplation on the moral achievements of the martyrs , which could be imitated in the present , as opposed to an aggressive and unrestrained piety focused on their death. Gregory's complex attitude to martyr cult needs to be differentiated from that which was developed over a century later, north of the Alps, by Carolingian readers and copyists of gesta martyrum and pilgrim guides, whose approach to the Roman martyrs was informed by Gregory's own posthumous reputation. [source] Notes on the origins of Epilepsia and the International League Against EpilepsyEPILEPSIA, Issue 3 2009Simon D. Shorvon Summary The recent discovery of archival material has shed interesting light on the origins of Epilepsia and also the International League Against Epilepsy (ILAE). The idea of an international journal devoted to epilepsy seems first to have arisen from talks between Dr. L. J. J. Muskens and Dr. W. Aldren Turner in 1905. A protracted series of subsequent letters between Muskens and a Haarlem publisher show how the idea slowly took shape. The committee of patronage, editorial board, and editorial assistants was probably first approached at the First International Congress of Psychiatry, Neurology, Psychology, and Nursing of the Insane, held in Amsterdam in 1907. At this meeting, the concept of an international organization to fight epilepsy (to become the ILAE) was also first proposed in public, again by Muskens. The concept of the ILAE was clearly modeled on another international organization,the International Commission for the Study of the Causes of Mental Diseases and Their Prophylaxis. This Commission had been first publicly proposed in 1906 by Ludwig Frank, at the Second International Congress for the Care and Treatment of the Insane. The proposed Commission and ILAE shared many features, aims, and personnel. Despite an auspicious start, the International Commission was prevented by personal and political differences from ever actually coming into being. However, the first issue of Epilepsia appeared in March 1909 and the ILAE was inaugurated in August 1909; and both have flourished and celebrate their centenaries this year. [source] The missing piece: Measuring portfolio salience in Western European parliamentary democraciesEUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2005JAMES N. DRUCKMAN Portfolios constitute an important payoff, not just because they provide access to patronage, but because influence over policy decisions tends to go with control over the key government portfolios. It is easy to discover which and how many portfolios each party holds in any government, but what is missing is accurate measurement of the value or salience of these portfolios. Some attempts have been made to measure portfolio salience, but they have lacked one or more of the following properties: cross-national scope, country-specific measurement, coverage of the full set of postwar portfolios, measurement by multiple experts and measurement at the interval level. In this article, we present a new data contribution: a set of portfolio salience scores that possesses all of these properties for 14 Western European countries derived from an expert survey. We demonstrate the comprehensiveness and reliability of the ratings, and undertake some preliminary analyses that show what the ratings reveal about parliamentary government in Western Europe. [source] Senior Civil Servants and Bureaucratic Change in BelgiumGOVERNANCE, Issue 3 2003Guido Dierickx The Belgian civil service used to be a Weberian bureaucracy, with a strict division of labor between civil servants and politicians, administrative careers based on both seniority and partisan patronage, and a technocratic culture coupled with a high level of alienation from both politics and politicians. Administrative reform came in the wake of the constitutional reform that transformed unitary Belgium into a federal state with several governments, each with a civil service of its own. The fiscal crisis prompted them to look favorably on the promises of New Public Management (NPM). The new Flemish government was first to take advantage of this opportunity, as it had the financial resources, the tendency to refer to Anglo-Saxon and Dutch examples, and the right political and administrative leadership. The staying power of these as yet precarious reforms depends on the continuity of political leadership, the establishment of an administrative culture matching the institutional innovations, and resistance to the endemic temptation to use them for partisan purposes. [source] The ,Babylonian captivity' of Petracco di ser Parenzo dell'Incisa, father of Francesco PetrarcaHISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 221 2010Barbara Bombi This article focuses on the discovery of two unedited notarial instruments preserved among Westminster abbey muniments and compiled by Petracco di ser Parenzo dell'Incisa, father of the Italian poet Francesco Petrarca. The two documents are dated February and April 1310 and prove that Petracco was working at Avignon earlier than it has been thought until now and in contrast with the claims of his son Francesco, who states that his family moved to Avignon between 1311 and 1312. The documents also highlight the connections between Petracco and the merchant company of the Frescobaldi, who traded at the papal curia in the early fourteenth century. The company employed a number of exiled Florentine Bianchi, who were interested in humanist ideas and classical texts, forming the first humanist circle at Avignon under the patronage of Cardinal Niccolò da Prato, who also became one of the patrons of Francesco Petrarca. [source] Edward VI's ,speciall men': crown and locality in mid Tudor England*HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 216 2009Alan Bryson Court politics was to some degree factional during Edward VI's reign (1547,53), but the danger of this happening on a wide scale in the counties was recognized. The dukes of Somerset and Northumberland could not afford to alienate the nobility and gentry by monopolizing local offices. Therefore, they built working relationships between centre and localities through the judicious use of patronage, including expanding the commissions of the peace. Maintaining goodwill and effective lines of communication was vital to crown-county relations and the office of lord lieutenant (established from 1548) was critical. It was political failure, not faction, that brought down Somerset's and Northumberland's regimes. [source] Soup and sadaqa: charity in Islamic societies*HISTORICAL RESEARCH, Issue 205 2006Amy Singer Charity, both obligatory almsgiving and voluntary donations, was and is an important practice of Muslims throughout the world. Historically, charity addressed poverty, but also reached a much broader spectrum of recipients. Soup served both as a literary image of giving and as a concrete means of distributing assistance, particularly in the Ottoman world. There, enormous purpose-built kitchens distributed soup and bread to a broad spectrum of people deemed needy and/or deserving. This article examines key aspects of charity in Islamic societies through an investigation of these kitchens. It demonstrates that charity overlapped with hospitality and patronage to create webs of responsibility and obligation in Islamic societies. [source] Royal Patronage and the Earls in the Reign of Edward IHISTORY, Issue 309 2008ANDREW M. SPENCER Despite his reputation as one of the most successful English monarchs of the middle ages, Edward I has never been seen as a generous king. This article looks afresh at the accepted view of Edward I as a miserly king and, by examining his relationship with his earls, seeks to demonstrate that Edward had a sophisticated and judicious approach to patronage which was based upon rewarding good service. The article attempts to place Edward I's patronage in line with the later template of Edward III. In reassessing the judgements of K. B. McFarlane and M. C. Prestwich, the article reconsiders Edward's policy of land grants in England, Wales and Scotland, and also draws upon new material such as the king's grants of deer from the royal forests, charters of free warren and the remission of debts to the exchequer. [source] Sir Robert Walpole after his Fall from Power, 1742,1745HISTORY, Issue 302 2006JONATHAN OATES It is often assumed that Sir Robert Walpole's career in politics ended with his ceasing to be chief minister in 1742. During his remaining years, however, he continued to exert political influence by bolstering and advising the government, especially in 1743,4. Even without political office, he was still seen as the fount of patronage. He was also able to pursue his other interests in this time and enjoyed favour with both King George II and his former political colleagues. Yet his health, never good, deteriorated rapidly towards the end of 1744 and he died bravely in the spring of the following year. [source] The Rule of Law in the Realm and the Province of New York: Prelude to the American RevolutionHISTORY, Issue 301 2006HERBERT A. JOHNSON British and American views of public law have diverged greatly over the past two hundred years. This article examines the evolution of New York's adherence to the rule of fundamental law and the use of colonial common law courts to protect the rights of New York subjects against the prerogative power of the crown. As a conquered province from 1664 to 1683, New York was denied a legislature. Thereafter the colonial legislative bodies were active in making unsuccessful attempts to claim their birthright as Englishmen. In England the Glorious Revolution represented a major step in the development of parliamentary supremacy. In New York, however, it facilitated an ethnic insurrection followed by the realization that English governmental policy mandated the denial of basic rights of Englishmen to colonial residents. The Glorious Revolution simply made it possible for parliament, as well as the crown, to regulate colonial affairs without any constitutional restrictions prior to 1774. In terms of constitutional dynamics in eighteenth-century England, continued imperial rule through an untrammelled royal prerogative substantially increased the political power and revenues of the crown. Failing to consider the impact of monarchial power in a growing empire, the 1688,9 Convention Parliament laid the foundation for an unbalanced British government in the middle of the eighteenth century. Deprived of patronage and extraordinary revenues at home, the monarchs turned to regulation of their empire and to reaping increased financial benefit. Both of these unintended consequences of the Glorious Revolution threatened parliamentary supremacy, even as parliament's new-found power began to undermine the rule of law in the empire. [source] The Court in England, 1714,1760: A Declining Political Institution?HISTORY, Issue 297 2005HANNAH SMITH Although recent studies of eighteenth-century English politics have moved beyond viewing political activity solely in parliamentary terms and consider the extra-parliamentary dimensions to political life, the royal court has not been included in this development. This article seeks to reassess the political purpose of the court of George I, and particularly that of George II, by analysing how the court functioned both as an institution and as a venue. Although the court was losing ground as an institution, with the royal household declining in political importance, the article argues that the household should not be the only means of measuring the court's political role. Through analysing the court's function as a venue for political brokerage and as a type of political theatre, it is argued that the court retained a political significance throughout the period from 1714 to 1760. The article examines the importance of the court as a place where certain forms of patronage might be obtained, and as a location for political negotiation by ministers and lower-ranking politicians. Moreover, it also analyses how the court was employed as a stage for signalling political opinion through attendance, ceremony, gesture, and costume. [source] ,Pig-Sticking Princes': Royal Hunting, Moral Outrage, and the Republican Opposition to Animal Abuse in Nineteenth-and Early Twentieth-Century BritainHISTORY, Issue 293 2004Antony Taylor This article locates monarchy in the debates arising out of the anti-animal abuse campaigns of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Through a close examination of urban republican criticisms of monarchy, it seeks to question the role of royalty as the custodian of shared national values concerning animal welfare. It demonstrates that hostility to monarchy based on its role in encouraging and patronizing hunting belongs to a long tradition. Much hostility to royalty crystallized around the royal patronage of fox-hunting and of pheasant-shooting. The nineteenth-century precedents for recent concerns about the visible presence of royal figures on the hunting-field articulated many of the component elements of a republican position. For many urban radicals the connection of reigning monarchs with the hunt demonstrated the dysfunctional nature of royal existence, the limitations of royalty's attainments, and the perceived need by monarchs to satisfy the baser, more carnal urges arising from a life devoted to indolence and pleasure. This article shows that hunting, as a marker of a robust masculinity and of the opulence of royalty, brought the reform community into collision with supporters of the monarchy, and provided an example of royal ritual that failed to work in the interests of the throne. The article concludes by revealing the connections between the land debate, criticisms of the royal house, and animal welfare politics in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. [source] | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||