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Party System (party + system)

Distribution by Scientific Domains

Humanities and Social Sciences	96%

Selected Abstracts

Institutionalization of Party Systems?

GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 2 2007
Fluidity among Legislative Parties in Africa's Democracies, Stability
Using Sartori's and Mainwaring and Scully's work on consolidation and institutionalization of party systems as touchstones, this article analyses the evolution of party systems with regard to stability and fluidity of legislative party configurations in Africa's democratic states. It examines the key issue of whether there is any stabilization of party systems in Africa today, and if so, under what circumstances such stabilization occurs. This article questions previous studies, arguing that we have not yet sufficiently solved the question of whether party systems as stable interactions exist in Africa. Providing a detailed analysis of elections in Africa's established and emerging democracies, and making a distinction between democratic and undemocratic countries, this study classifies Africa's 21 electoral democracies as fluid, de-stabilized, or stable party systems. A key finding is that institutionalization of these party systems has not occurred over an extended period, but rather, institutionalized party system configurations have been stable from the onset of multiparty elections. Conversely, the other large group of countries with non-institutionalized party systems seems to be perpetually fluid systems despite, in many cases, several successive multiparty elections. [source]

The Evolution of Party Systems between Elections

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 2 2003
Michael Laver
Most existing theoretical work on party competition pays little attention to the evolution of party systems between elections as a result of defections between parties. In this article, we treat individual legislators as utility-maximizing agents tempted to defect to other parties if this would increase their expected payoffs. We model the evolution of party systems between elections in these terms and discuss this analytically, exploring unanswered questions using computational methods. Under office-seeking motivational assumptions, our results strikingly highlight the role of the largest party, especially when it is "dominant" in the technical sense, as a pole of attraction in interelectoral evolution. [source]

Party politicisation of local councils: Cultural or institutional explanations for trends in Denmark, 1966,2005

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2010
ULRIK KJAER
Local government party systems are not necessarily copies of the national party system. In many countries, local party systems have come to resemble the national one more and more , a process Rokkan termed ,party politicisation'. The traditional expectation has been that the take-over of local politics by political parties, through a gradual process of societal modernisation, would eventually be complete. More recently, however, it has been suggested that reorganisations of the institutional set-up , that is, amalgamations of municipalities , could entail developments in the degree of local party system nationalisation. This article investigates cultural and institutional explanations for party politicisation by analysing the Danish case from 1966 to 2005 , a period that witnessed both major amalgamation reforms and periods of stability in the local government structure. The data suggest that dramatic party politicisation does not lend itself to cultural explanations, but originates exclusively from changes in the institutional set-up. Party politicisation is not a gradual process, but comes , at least in Denmark , in leaps coinciding with major reorganisations of the local government structure. [source]

Ideology,Driven opinion formation in Europe: The case of attitudes towards the third sector in Sweden

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2001
STAFFAN KUMLIN
This paper uses attitudes towards the third sector in Sweden to test general assumptions about how citizens in West European political systems apply ideological schemas as shortcuts to political preferences. Attitudes towards the third sector are found to be affected by all ideological schemas reflected in the Swedish party system (state,market, Christian traditionalism, and growth,ecology). Contrary to what is implied by findings from America, these effects are very stable across socio,economic groups (especially those of the dominant statemarket schema). Similarly, no interaction effects of political sophistication could be traced, and the relative impact of the schemas remains the same regardless of whether or not the third sector is presented as an alternative to the welfare state. The implications of these findings for the nature of public opinion formation in ideologically clear and structured political systems are discussed. [source]

Party-System Reform in Democracy's Grey Zone: A Response to Moraski

GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION, Issue 2 2009
Kenneth Wilson
This article analyses the party-system reforms introduced in Russia during Vladimir Putin's presidency. It contests Byron Moraski's interpretation, published in an earlier edition of this journal, which claims that the reforms introduced in Putin's second term were a response to the 2003 Duma election and were intended to preserve the unity and discipline of United Russia, the regime's ,party of power'. This article argues that Moraski's explanation of the second-term reforms is flawed and contends that the first- and second-term reforms were part of a wider reform programme designed to centralize Russia's political system, consolidate its party system and contribute to the construction of a façade democracy. The article also challenges Moraski's argument that these reforms, while introduced to advance the regime's interests, could further democratization in the longer term by adding the crucial caveat that stronger opposition parties that could act as a democratizing influence will only emerge if practices of electoral manipulation lessen or fail. [source]

The Europeanization of Czech Politics: The Political Parties and the EU Referendum

JCMS: JOURNAL OF COMMON MARKET STUDIES, Issue 2 2006
MICHAEL BAUN
This article explores the Europeanization of Czech politics in the pre-accession period, with a principal focus on the political parties and party system. It argues that Czech political parties and party politics became increasingly Europeanized with the increased integration of the Czech Republic into the EU. In turn, the parties have played a key role in the Europeanization of Czech politics. This role is evident in the outcome of the June 2003 referendum on EU membership, which reflected strong cross-party support for EU accession (excepting the Communists). However, factors other than party support also influenced voters' choices, including regional factors and socio-economic factors such as employment status and level of income and education. [source]

Frente Amplio and the Crafting of a Social Democratic Alternative in Uruguay

LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 4 2007
Juan Pablo Luna
ABSTRACT This study of Uruguay's Frente Amplio explores four central questions for the analysis of the "new Latin American left." How did a leftist alternative emerge and grow inside an institutionalized party system? How do the socioeconomic and political factors that enabled the rise of the left in Uruguay differ from those observed in other Latin American cases? How did Frente Amplio adapt itself to profit from the opportunities that arose during the 1990s? What are the implications of the previous factors for governmental action by the FA? In answering these questions, this study integrates an analysis of the sociological and political-institutional opportunity structures consolidated during the 1990s with one of strategic partisan adaptation processes. This perspective is useful for explaining how, by 2004, Frente Amplio had built a dual support base from its historical constituency and a socially heterogeneous group alienated from traditional parties due to economic and political discontent. [source]

Social Correlates of Party System Demise and Populist Resurgence in Venezuela

LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 3 2003
Kenneth M. Roberts
ABSTRACT Considering its strong, highly institutionalized two-party system, Venezuela was surely one of the least likely countries in Latin America to experience a party system breakdown and populist resurgence. That traditional party system nevertheless was founded on a mixture of corporatist and clientelist linkages to social actors that were unable to withstand the secular decline of the oil economy and several aborted attempts at market liberalization. Successive administrations led by the dominant parties failed to reverse the economic slide, with devastating consequences for the party system as a whole. The party system ultimately rested on insecure structural foundations; and when its social moorings crumbled in the 1990s, the populist movement of Hugo Chávez emerged to fill the political void. This populist resurgence both capitalized on and accelerated the institutional decomposition of the old order. [source]

Parliamentary Election Turnout in Europe since 1990

POLITICAL STUDIES, Issue 5 2002
Alan Siaroff
This article examines the cross-national variations in turnout for parliamentary elections in Europe since 1990 , a continent with a vast range in turnout levels and some clear subregional patterns, especially that of low turnout in East-Central Europe. A full range of socio-economic, mobilizational, party system, institutional, and contextual factors are examined for bivariate relationships with turnout. A multivariate model then indicates that cross-national turnout is higher where there is strictly enforced compulsory voting, in polarized two-party systems and countries with a high level of party membership, and where there are no relevant elected presidents or strong regional governments. Variances on these and other key factors are what accounts for the subregional pattern of East-Central Europe and the highest turnout case of Malta; however, Switzerland is confirmed to be a significant national dummy variable. [source]

Mexico: New Democracy with Old Parties?,

POLITICS, Issue 3 2003
Carlos E. Casillas
Mexico's 2000 presidential election was one of the most important political events in the nation's contemporary history. The victory of the National Action Party (PAN) and Vicente Fox, the first ,non-official' candidate ever to win a Mexican presidential election, surprised both local and world observers. This article comprises four parts. Part I very briefly places the election in historical perspective. In Part II, each of the three front-runners in the contest is profiled. Part III includes a systematic analysis of the general election results by constituencies or other territorial units, and features tabulated data. Part IV addresses the development of political parties and the party system before and after the elections. [source]

The Political Economy of Polarization: The Italian Case, 1963,1987

POLITICS & POLICY, Issue 1 2003
Riccardo Pelizzo
Economic voting in Italy has received scant attention in the literature, and the few studies available show little or no empirical support for economic voting hypotheses as applied to Italy. We argue that this dearth of results is primarily due to poor operationalization and study design. In contrast to previous studies that focused on the relationship between the state of the economy and the electoral performance of individual parties, we investigate the impact of prices, employment, and economic output on the polarization of the party system. Using data on seven Italian national elections covering the period 1963,87, we show that polarization is, in fact, closely related to macroeconomic performance. Additionally, in contrast to past studies of Italy, the results are robust with respect to the lag period of the economic variables. [source]

Sovereign nations and global markets: modern British Conservatism and hyperglobalism

BRITISH JOURNAL OF POLITICS & INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Issue 3 2002
David Baker
In this article we seek to trace through the major stands of British Euroscepticism and concentrate, in particular, on the importance of a powerful ,hyperglobalist' Eurosceptical strand within British Conservatism. We investigate the British Conservatives' recent divisions over European integration, against the background of the party's increasingly marginal status in British party politics. The piece also draws on findings from two recent surveys of the attitudes of British parliamentarians to European integration, carried out by the Members of Parliament Project for the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC). We explore how Conservative divisions of opinion are related in part to particular understandings of globalisation and regionalisation and attempt to show how globalist ideology has unexpectedly re,emphasised and bolstered the traditional nationalism of the Tory party and caused an increasingly hostile attitude amongst many British Conservatives towards the European project as it is presently constituted. We also examine recent attempts to map British Conservative Euroscepticism on to continental varieties using a mixture of ideological positioning and party system (Taggart 1998), arguing that this ignores the extent to which British Eurosceptics advance unique (in EU member state terms) hyperglobalist (rather than isolationist or protectionist) arguments in objecting to further European integration. [source]

Democratisation, External Exposure and State Food Distribution in The Dominican Republic

BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 2 2009
KENNETH MITCHELL
The Dominican Republic shares the island of Hispaniola with a ,failed' state, requires regular financial assistance from international funds and remains exposed to external economic pressures. State food distribution in the country, however, adheres to traditional statist policies and institutions that disappeared elsewhere in Latin America and the Caribbean during the 1980s and 1990s. Relevant literature arguably does not anticipate this outcome. This article proposes that political institutions associated with Dominican democratisation since the late 1970s, particularly strong presidentialism, a stable, non-ideological party system and high voter turnout at elections, provide incentives for a status quo, clientelistic policy in this strategic area of social policy. [source]

The Jammed Democracy: Bolivia's Troubled Political Learning Process

BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 2 2006
Ton Salman
The fact that even the moderate and broadly respected president Carlos Mesa was forced to step down in Bolivia in June 2005 suggests that the country's crisis goes beyond a conflict on specific policies. A longstanding practice of excluding large sectors of the population from all real influence in politics, despite the existence of formal democracy, has produced a crisis of belief in democracy, affecting both governing bodies and the party system. President Mesa was unable to reverse the generalised distrust of politics. This distrust, combined with persisting political stalemate, is currently tending towards societal disintegration, which makes the recovery of genuine democratic practices even more difficult. [source]

Argentina's Landmark 2003 Presidential Election: Renewal and Continuity

BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 4 2005
Omar Sanchez
This article provides an analysis of the political and socioeconomic context of the April 2003 presidential elections, focusing particularly on the campaign platforms of candidates, the outcome of the first round and the election's consequences for the party system. The election's results were far reaching in many respects. Argentina's longstanding two-party system came to an end with the virtual vanishing of the Radical party (UCR) at the national level. An evolved political culture resulted in new, more rigorous criteria for the selection of candidates. Finally, new political parties (MNR and ARI) emerged that could conceivably improve the quality of democratic governance in the future. In short, the 2001,2002 crisis fostered a significant degree of political renewal. Contrary to some predictions, however, the societal rejection of political parties did not result in either the complete demolition of the party system or the wholesale renovation of the political class. In particular, the Peronist party showcased its staying power and uncanny ability to adapt to new political environments. [source]

The Presidential and Parliamentary Elections of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela: Change and Continuity (1998,2000)

BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 2 2002
José E. Molina V
The paper examines to what extent electoral behaviour in Venezuela, as it appeared in the elections of 1998 and 2000, is different from that observed between 1958 and 1988. The paper reaches the conclusion that given the decline in party identification (dealignment), the short-term variables specific to each election, in particular the attitude towards government performance and personalities, have grown in weight vis-à-vis the structural factors (party identification, institutions, long-standing political predispositions). However, the latter were still relevant and important in the 1998 and 2000 elections and it is very likely they will carry on as such for the future. It is also concluded that, even though the party system has become unstable due to the decline in identification with the traditional government parties, new stabilising factors seem to have appeared and should be taken into account. These are ideology and negative party identification. [source]

The Mexican Presidential and Congressional Elections of 2000 and Democratic Transition

BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 3 2001
Darren Wallis
The article examines the presidential and congressional elections of July 2000 in Mexico. The elections brought to an end more than 70 years of single party government and the culmination of a gradual democratisation process stretching back at least a decade. The long term decline in the bases of support for the regime and the changing institutional rules for elections and parties are described by way of contextualising the campaign itself and its leading protagonists. While the new rules of the game guaranteed free and fair elections, issues of internal party democracy and negative, personality-based campaigning do not paint a universally rosy democratic picture. Analysis of the election results demonstrates how the opposition was able to move beyond its traditional geographic confines and challenge across the country. However, voters did not give an unambiguous victory to Vicente Fox; his alliance does not possess a majority in either house of congress. Divided government and developments in the party system are considered as two key issues that will shape Mexico's democratic future. [source]

Populisms old and new: the Peruvian case,

BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 2 2000
John Crabtree
Abstract President Fujimori is often seen as exemplary of the Latin American "neopopulist". Having inherited a country in crisis, he managed to engineer profound changes in the economic sphere, legitimising his government through a direct rapport with the mass of the population that marginalised representative institutions. This article seeks to place this "neopopulism" in an historical context by focusing on the socio-economic and political characteristics that have sustained a tradition of populism in Peru. It argues that "top-down" styles of political mobilisation have long had a debilitating effect on the development of a representative party system, and that populist traits can be traced through regimes of widely differing ideological orientations. [source]

Party politicisation of local councils: Cultural or institutional explanations for trends in Denmark, 1966,2005

Issue salience in regional party manifestos in Spain

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 1 2009
LISELOTTE LIBBRECHT
It is based on a content analysis of the party manifestos of the Spanish PP and PSOE in eight regional elections held between 2001 and 2003. It provides an innovative coding scheme for analysing regional party manifestos and on that basis seeks to account for inter-regional, intra-party and inter-party differences in regional campaigning. The authors have tried to explain the inter-regional variation of the issue profiles of state-wide parties in regional elections on the basis of a model with four independent variables: the asymmetric nature of the system, the electoral cycle, the regional party systems and the organisation of the state-wide parties. Three of their hypotheses are rejected, but the stronger variations in the regional issue profiles of the PSOE corroborate the assumption that parties with a more decentralised party organisation support regionally more diverse campaigning. The article concludes by offering an alternative explanation for this finding and by suggesting avenues for further research. [source]

Cleavages, competition and coalition-building: Agrarian parties and the European question in Western and East Central Europe

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 4 2004
AGNES BATORY
Variations in the patterns of Euroscepticism found in agrarian parties across Europe is therefore explained in terms of three central variables: the agrarian parties' long-term policy goals linked to identity and interest; their position in the party systems and the mainstream left- and right-wing parties' stance on European integration; and their long- and short-term electoral strategies and office-related incentives. [source]

Counting parties and identifying dominant party systems in Africa

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 2 2004
Matthijs Bogaards
The effective number of parties, the most widely used method to count parties, does not adequately capture this fact. An analysis of 59 election results in 18 sub-Saharan African countries shows that classifications of party systems on the basis of the effective number of parties are problematic and often flawed. Some of these problems are well known, but the African evidence brings them out with unusual clarity and force. It is found that Sartori's counting rules, party system typology and definition of a dominant party are still the most helpful analytical tools to arrive at an accurate classification of party systems and their dynamics in general, and of dominant party systems in particular. [source]

Alternative models of issue voting: The case of the 1991 and 1995 elections in Belgium

EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL RESEARCH, Issue 3 2001
BART MADDENS
Previous research has indicated that the success of the directional model of issue voting depends on levels of political sophistication and how party position is measured. Using 1991 and 1995 Belgian Election Surveys, the predictive power of proximity and directional measures are compared controlling for both variables. It is shown that when one uses overall mean placements, instead of mean placements by level of political sophistication, the proximity effect declines most among the highly sophisticated voters. The article also compares the performance of the proximity and directional measures across party systems. Contrary to theoretical expectations, party,system differences between Flanders and Wallonia do not affect the explanatory power of either of these measures. It is only in the cases of the liberal, socialist and extreme right parties that the directional measure is clearly superior. A closer analysis of this result indicates that the relative success of the directional measure is due to the limited number of issues from which those parties draw support. [source]

The Cocoon of Power: Democratic Implications of Interinstitutional Agreements

EUROPEAN LAW JOURNAL, Issue 1 2007
Sonja Puntscher Riekmann
It starts from the premise that democratic rules as developed in the national context may be used as a yardstick for supranational governance as well. Thus, parliamentarisation of the Union is defined as an increase in democracy, although relating problems such as weak European party systems, low turnouts, and remoteness are not to be neglected. The article evaluates several case studies on IIAs in this vein and asks whether they strengthen the European Parliament or not, and why. It arrives at conclusions that allow for differentiation: empowerment of the European Parliament occurs in particular when authorisation to conclude an IIA stems from the Treaty or from the power that the European Parliament has in crucial fields such as the budget and is willing to use for this purpose. Success is, however, not guaranteed in every case, and is sometimes more symbolic than real. However, a democratic critique must also stress negative consequences of IIAs in terms of responsivity, accountability, and transparency. [source]

Institutionalization of Party Systems?

Can Civil Society Organizations Solve the Crisis of Partisan Representation in Latin America?

LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2008
Kathryn Hochstetler
ABSTRACT This article takes up the question of whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can and do act as mechanisms of representation in times of party crisis. It looks at recent representation practices in Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, three countries where political parties have experienced sharp crises after several decades of mixed reviews for their party systems. At such moments, any replacement of parties by CSOs should be especially apparent. This study concludes that the degree of crisis determines the extent that CSOs' representative functions replace partisan representation, at least in the short term. Where systems show signs of re-equilibration, CSOs offer alternative mechanisms through which citizens can influence political outcomes without seeking to replace parties. Where crisis is profound, CSOs claim some of the basic party functions but do not necessarily solve the problems of partisan representation. [source]