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Party Identification (party + identification)

Distribution by Scientific Domains
Humanities and Social Sciences85%
Psychology14%

Selected Abstracts

Party Identification in Emotional and Political Context: A Replication

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2007
Francis Neely
While testing an affective measure of party identification Burden and Klofstad (2005) found that using the phrase, "feel that you are," in place of, "think of yourself as," significantly shifted PID in a Republican direction. I adopt the theoretical framework of Affective Intelligence (Marcus, Neuman, & MacKuen, 2000) to specify how the timing of their question-wording experiment may have influenced the results. I suggest that the outcome was a function of (a) anxiety present during the survey, which ran just after 9/11 of 2001, coupled with (b) a political environment that favored Republicans. In a 2005 survey I replicate the experiment and collect new measures with which to test expectations. I find no significant shift in PID, and provisional support for the Affective Intelligence explanation. The results validate Burden and Klofstad's measure, qualify their findings, and test the application of the theory of Affective Intelligence to party dispositions. Alternative explanations and directions for further research are discussed. [source]

Affect and Cognition in Party Identification

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2005
Barry C. Burden
Despite the centrality of party identification in understandings of political behavior in the United States, there is an unacknowledged disparity between our theories and measurement of the phenomenon. The traditional method of measuring party identification relies on supplying cognitive cues by explicitly asking respondents to "think" about their partisanship. The Michigan theory of party identification, in contrast, assumes that partisanship is primarily affective. Using a survey experiment, we explore the effects of asking respondents to feel rather than think about their party identification. The new questions reveal that the electorate is more Republican than previously thought. Response timers show that respondents take longer to answer the new items, suggesting that they are surveying a wider and deeper array of considerations. These results serve to revive many of our traditional conceptions of how party identity works while also opening the door for new research questions. [source]

Dynamics of Interpersonal Political Environment and Party Identification: Longitudinal Studies of Voting in Japan and New Zealand

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2005
Ken'ichi Ikeda
The dynamical systems theory of groups claims that interpersonal political environment and party identification are dynamically interrelated to provide heuristics under uncertainty. Panel data over the course of a year examined the longitudinal dynamics between social networks, social identifications, and voting behavior among a national sample of registered voters in Japan and a regional sample in Wellington, New Zealand. Respondents with more stable party identification had greater stability in the political preferences of their interpersonal network in both countries; moreover, stability in party identification was predicted by interpersonal political environment and older age in both countries. Stability of party identification predicted voting consistency in both countries, whereas stability of interpersonal political environment made an independent contribution to voting consistency in Japan only. There were cultural differences in levels of interpersonal political environment stability, but the amount of political discussion and ideological stability did not make independent contributions to any of the three main variables. Results provided support for the dynamical systems theory of groups. [source]

The Consolidation of the White Southern Congressional Vote: The Roles of Ideology and Party Identification

POLITICS & POLICY, Issue 3 2008
Kenneth A. Wink
This article examines the effects of party identification and ideology on white southerners' vote choices in U.S. House races from 1980 to 1994. Using American National Election Studies data, we employ descriptive statistics and a variety of regression techniques to test these relationships. We find party identification was more important in explaining vote choice in the election of 1994 than in previous years, and a majority of white southerners first identified with Republicans in 1994. We also find ideology had an independent effect on party identification for white southerners throughout the time series. We conclude that increasingly class-based, ideologically polarized parties, opposition to President Clinton and his health care plan, the success of the Republicans in framing the election as a national ideological struggle, and race-based redistricting after 1990 created a tendency of conservative white southerners to identify with Republicans and to vote for Republican House candidates in 1994. [source]

Party Identification, Issue Attitudes, and the Dynamics of Political Debate

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 3 2010
Logan Dancey
This article investigates whether media coverage of elite debate surrounding an issue moderates the relationship between individual-level partisan identities and issue preferences. We posit that when the news media cover debate among partisan elites on a given issue, citizens update their party identities and issue attitudes. We test this proposition for a quartet of prominent issues debated during the first Clinton term: health care reform, welfare reform, gay rights, and affirmative action. Drawing on data from the Vanderbilt Television News Archives and the 1992-93-94-96 NES panel, we demonstrate that when partisan debate on an important issue receives extensive media coverage, partisanship systematically affects,and is affected by,issue attitudes. When the issue is not being contested, dynamic updating between party ties and issue attitudes ceases. [source]

Party Identification and Core Political Values

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2005
Paul Goren
Party identification and core political values are central elements in the political belief systems of ordinary citizens. Are these predispositions related to one another? Does party identification influence core political values or are partisan identities grounded in such values? This article draws upon theoretical works on partisan information processing and value-based reasoning to derive competing hypotheses about whether partisanship shapes political values or political values shape partisanship. The hypotheses are tested by using structural equation modeling techniques to estimate dynamic models of attitude stability and constraint with data from the 1992,94,96 National Election Study panel survey. The analyses reveal that partisan identities are more stable than the principles of equal opportunity, limited government, traditional family values, and moral tolerance; party identification constrains equal opportunity, limited government, and moral tolerance; and these political values do not constrain party identification. [source]

The Role of Individual Characteristics in Predicting the Stability of Party Identification: A Cross-Cultural Study

APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 3 2008
Maria-Magdalena Farc
The present study examined political partisanship stability in the context of transitional and consolidated democracies. We hypothesised that (a) in both democratic systems, personality differences as well as socialisation patterns and socioeconomic factors would be related to the stability of party identification directly, and that (b) the relationship between individual factors and party identification patterns would be moderated by democracy type and by socialisation strength. A total of 521 participants (293 American, 228 Romanian) completed surveys assessing partisanship stability, individual dispositions, socialisation strength, and socioeconomic status. In support of hypothesis (a), the stability of party identification was significantly predicted by socialisation, desire for control, and positive economic perceptions. In support of hypothesis (b), type of democracy moderated the relationship between economic perceptions and partisanship stability, and parental socialisation moderated the relationship between desire for control/self-consciousness and the stability of party identification. La présente étude examine la stabilité de la préférence politique dans un contexte de démocraties en transition ou consolidées. Nous faisons l'hypothèse que (a) dans les deux systèmes démocratiques, les différences de personnalité, comme les modèles de socialisation et les facteurs économiques sont directement liés à la stabilité d'identification à un parti et que (b) la relation entre les facteurs individuels et les modèles d'identification à un parti est affaibli par le type de démocratie et la force de la socialisation. Un total de 521 participants (293 Américains et 228 Roumains) ont répondu à une enquête évaluant la stabilité de la préférence, les dispositions individuelles, la force de la socialisation et le statut socio-économique. En accord avec l'hypothèse (a), la stabilité d'identification à un parti est significativement prédictible par la socialisation, le désir de contrôle et la perception positive de l'économie. En accord avec l'hypothèse (b), d'une part, le type de démocratie affaiblit la relation entre les perceptions de l'économie et la stabilité de la préférence, d'autre part, la socialisation parentale affaiblit le lien entre le contrôle/la conscience de soi et la stabilité de l'identification à un parti. [source]

Party Identification and Core Political Values

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2005
Paul Goren
Party identification and core political values are central elements in the political belief systems of ordinary citizens. Are these predispositions related to one another? Does party identification influence core political values or are partisan identities grounded in such values? This article draws upon theoretical works on partisan information processing and value-based reasoning to derive competing hypotheses about whether partisanship shapes political values or political values shape partisanship. The hypotheses are tested by using structural equation modeling techniques to estimate dynamic models of attitude stability and constraint with data from the 1992,94,96 National Election Study panel survey. The analyses reveal that partisan identities are more stable than the principles of equal opportunity, limited government, traditional family values, and moral tolerance; party identification constrains equal opportunity, limited government, and moral tolerance; and these political values do not constrain party identification. [source]

Exploring the Attitudinal Structure of Partisanship

JOURNAL OF APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 9 2010
Douglas D. Roscoe
This study examined the structure of attitudes toward the political party an individual primarily identifies with and attitudes toward the other party with an emphasis on differentiating between the cognitive and affective components. Participants responded to a telephone survey that included measures of party identification, partisan attitudes, political information involvement activities, and voting behavior. Results indicated attitudes toward the parties were a function of both cognitive and affective components, although strong partisans had an attitudinal structure characterized as having a stronger cognitive component. Strong partisans were more polarized in their attitudes across parties. In addition, individuals with more cognitive-affective ambivalence toward their own parties were less likely to vote, and their votes were less likely to be along party lines. [source]

Invitations for Partisan Identification: Attempts to Court Latino Voters Through Televised Latino-Oriented Political Advertisements, 1984,2000

JOURNAL OF COMMUNICATION, Issue 1 2004
Stacey L. Connaughton
By the year 2050, Latinos will represent the dominant ethnic minority in the United States, and researchers are just beginning to examine the campaign messages targeted to this voting bloc. This article employs identification theory to understand the rhetorical approaches used in campaign advertisements designed for these voters. Through a content analysis of campaign spots targeted to Latinos over four presidential elections (1984, 1988, 1996, 2000), we find that the invitations for party identification sent to this group tend to be positive, focus on the Latino (not the candidate), and depict Latinos as an emergent force in American politics. In trying to foster identification from this desirable voting population, it appears that campaign forces encourage Latinos to view themselves, and politics, as valuable and consequential,a marked alternative to most advertising strategies at the close of the 20th century. [source]

Sources of Mass Partisanship in Brazil

LATIN AMERICAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY, Issue 2 2006
David Samuels
ABSTRACT Scholars believe that mass partisanship in Brazil is comparatively weak. Using evidence from a 2002 national survey, however, this study finds that the aggregate level of party identification actually falls only slightly below the world average and exceeds levels found in many newer democracies. Yet this finding is misleading, because the distribution of partisanship is skewed toward only one party, the PT. This trend results from a combination of party organization and recruitment efforts and individual motivation to acquire knowledge and become involved in politicized social networks. Partisanship for other parties, however, derives substantially from personalistic attachments to party leaders. This finding has implications for current debates about the status of parties in Brazil. Also important is the impact of the 2005 corruption scandal implicating the PT and President Lula da Silva's administration. [source]

Political Parties in South Korea and Taiwan after Twenty Years of Democratization*

PACIFIC FOCUS, Issue 2 2009
Heike Hermanns
South Korea and Taiwan are often cited as successful cases of third-wave democracies where democracy has taken roots. However, electoral volatility is high and disenchantment among citizens is rising, especially regarding the performance of politicians and political parties. Since political parties play a vital role in the democratic process their institutionalization is seen as an indicator of democratic consolidation. An analysis of Taiwanese and South Korean parties in terms of age, organization and structure, as well as programs and leadership style of parties indicates that parties are weakly institutionalized. The Korean party system is a weak point in democratic deepening, as it is reminiscent of a carousel of party creations, mergers and dissolutions. Parties lack distinguishing ideological or programmatic markers and remain cadre parties, focusing on their charismatic leader and their home regions. In Taiwan, in contrast, a clear cleavage in the form of Taiwanese identity led to the appearance of two distinct political camps, each consisting of several parties. Taiwanese parties have progressed in their institutionalization in terms of longevity, organization and programmatic differences. However, membership numbers and party identification remain low and regular corruption scandals show the slow attitudinal change among Taiwanese politicians. In the light of politicians' behavior, citizens in both countries thus are feeling increasingly disenchanted with the ruling elite as well as the democratic system. [source]

Moral Conviction and Political Engagement

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 1 2008
Linda J. Skitka
The 2004 presidential election led to considerable discussion about whether moral values motivated people to vote, and if so, whether it led to a conservative electoral advantage. The results of two studies,one conducted in the context of the 2000 presidential election, the other in the context of the 2004 presidential election,indicated that stronger moral convictions associated with candidates themselves and attitudes on issues of the day uniquely predicted self-reported voting behavior and intentions to vote even when controlling for a host of alternative explanations (e.g., attitude strength, strength of party identification). In addition, we found strong support for the hypothesis that moral convictions equally motivated political engagement for those on the political right and left and little support for the notion that a combination of morality and politics is something more characteristic of the political right than it is of the political left. [source]

Affect and Cognition in Party Identification

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 6 2005
Barry C. Burden
Despite the centrality of party identification in understandings of political behavior in the United States, there is an unacknowledged disparity between our theories and measurement of the phenomenon. The traditional method of measuring party identification relies on supplying cognitive cues by explicitly asking respondents to "think" about their partisanship. The Michigan theory of party identification, in contrast, assumes that partisanship is primarily affective. Using a survey experiment, we explore the effects of asking respondents to feel rather than think about their party identification. The new questions reveal that the electorate is more Republican than previously thought. Response timers show that respondents take longer to answer the new items, suggesting that they are surveying a wider and deeper array of considerations. These results serve to revive many of our traditional conceptions of how party identity works while also opening the door for new research questions. [source]

Dynamics of Interpersonal Political Environment and Party Identification: Longitudinal Studies of Voting in Japan and New Zealand

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2005
Ken'ichi Ikeda
The dynamical systems theory of groups claims that interpersonal political environment and party identification are dynamically interrelated to provide heuristics under uncertainty. Panel data over the course of a year examined the longitudinal dynamics between social networks, social identifications, and voting behavior among a national sample of registered voters in Japan and a regional sample in Wellington, New Zealand. Respondents with more stable party identification had greater stability in the political preferences of their interpersonal network in both countries; moreover, stability in party identification was predicted by interpersonal political environment and older age in both countries. Stability of party identification predicted voting consistency in both countries, whereas stability of interpersonal political environment made an independent contribution to voting consistency in Japan only. There were cultural differences in levels of interpersonal political environment stability, but the amount of political discussion and ideological stability did not make independent contributions to any of the three main variables. Results provided support for the dynamical systems theory of groups. [source]

Truth and Fiction: A Study of the Gender Gap in the US National Legislature

POLITICS, Issue 3 2001
Stephanie L. Hallett
In the United States, women are generally perceived to vote more liberally than men. Analysing voting patterns from 12 US Congresses (the 94th to 105th Congress) on a range of political issues, I conduct an estimation explaining voting behaviour by gender, differences in party identification and affiliation with different geographical regions in the United States. My results indicate that women do generally vote more liberally than men, but this difference can be attributed to differences in party identification and regional representation more than to gender differences. [source]

The Consolidation of the White Southern Congressional Vote: The Roles of Ideology and Party Identification

POLITICS & POLICY, Issue 3 2008
Kenneth A. Wink
This article examines the effects of party identification and ideology on white southerners' vote choices in U.S. House races from 1980 to 1994. Using American National Election Studies data, we employ descriptive statistics and a variety of regression techniques to test these relationships. We find party identification was more important in explaining vote choice in the election of 1994 than in previous years, and a majority of white southerners first identified with Republicans in 1994. We also find ideology had an independent effect on party identification for white southerners throughout the time series. We conclude that increasingly class-based, ideologically polarized parties, opposition to President Clinton and his health care plan, the success of the Republicans in framing the election as a national ideological struggle, and race-based redistricting after 1990 created a tendency of conservative white southerners to identify with Republicans and to vote for Republican House candidates in 1994. [source]

The Effects of the George W. Bush Presidency on Partisan Attitudes

PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, Issue 2 2009
GARY C. JACOBSON
Evidence from the eight years of the George W. Bush administration confirms that the public standing of the president's party rises and falls in concert with popular evaluations of his job performance. Reactions to the president affect the favorability ratings of his party, party identification measured individually and at the aggregate level,particularly among younger voters,as well as the party's electoral performance. Bush's second term, which provoked the longest period of low and downward-trending approval ratings on record, thus inflicted considerable damage on the Republican Party's image, popular support, and electoral fortunes. [source]

Changing Sides or Changing Minds?

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 2 2006
Party Identification, Policy Preferences in the American Electorate
Scholars have long debated the individual-level relationship between partisanship and policy preferences. We argue that partisanship and issue attitudes cause changes in each other, but the pattern of influence varies systematically. Issue-based change in party identification should occur among individuals who are aware of party differences on an issue and find that issue to be salient. Individuals who are aware of party differences, but do not attach importance to the issue, should evidence party-based issue change. Those lacking awareness of party differences on an issue should show neither effect. We test our account by examining individuals' party identifications and their attitudes on abortion, government spending and provision of services, and government help for African Americans using the 1992-94-96 National Election Study panel study, finding strong support for our argument. We discuss the implications of our findings both for the microlevel study of party identification and the macrolevel analysis of partisan change. [source]

Party Identification and Core Political Values

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, Issue 4 2005
Paul Goren
Party identification and core political values are central elements in the political belief systems of ordinary citizens. Are these predispositions related to one another? Does party identification influence core political values or are partisan identities grounded in such values? This article draws upon theoretical works on partisan information processing and value-based reasoning to derive competing hypotheses about whether partisanship shapes political values or political values shape partisanship. The hypotheses are tested by using structural equation modeling techniques to estimate dynamic models of attitude stability and constraint with data from the 1992,94,96 National Election Study panel survey. The analyses reveal that partisan identities are more stable than the principles of equal opportunity, limited government, traditional family values, and moral tolerance; party identification constrains equal opportunity, limited government, and moral tolerance; and these political values do not constrain party identification. [source]

Racism, Sexism, and Candidate Evaluations in the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election

ANALYSES OF SOCIAL ISSUES & PUBLIC POLICY, Issue 1 2009
Caitlin E. Dwyer
In an attempt to understand the extent to which racism and sexism influenced affect toward Barack Obama and Sarah Palin, we analyze data from a national survey conducted in October 2008. Situating our investigation in previous examinations of modern racism and modern sexism, we test competing hypotheses about the role of these attitudes in the 2008 presidential election. Our results suggest that racism had a significant impact on candidate evaluations while sexism did not. We find that respondents who hold racist attitudes expressed negative attitudes toward Obama and positive attitudes toward Palin. When interacted with party identification, racism continued to exert a strong effect, indicating findings that are robust across partisan affiliations. Sexism, on the other hand, did not significantly influence evaluations of either Palin or Obama. [source]

The Role of Individual Characteristics in Predicting the Stability of Party Identification: A Cross-Cultural Study

APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 3 2008
Maria-Magdalena Farc
The present study examined political partisanship stability in the context of transitional and consolidated democracies. We hypothesised that (a) in both democratic systems, personality differences as well as socialisation patterns and socioeconomic factors would be related to the stability of party identification directly, and that (b) the relationship between individual factors and party identification patterns would be moderated by democracy type and by socialisation strength. A total of 521 participants (293 American, 228 Romanian) completed surveys assessing partisanship stability, individual dispositions, socialisation strength, and socioeconomic status. In support of hypothesis (a), the stability of party identification was significantly predicted by socialisation, desire for control, and positive economic perceptions. In support of hypothesis (b), type of democracy moderated the relationship between economic perceptions and partisanship stability, and parental socialisation moderated the relationship between desire for control/self-consciousness and the stability of party identification. La présente étude examine la stabilité de la préférence politique dans un contexte de démocraties en transition ou consolidées. Nous faisons l'hypothèse que (a) dans les deux systèmes démocratiques, les différences de personnalité, comme les modèles de socialisation et les facteurs économiques sont directement liés à la stabilité d'identification à un parti et que (b) la relation entre les facteurs individuels et les modèles d'identification à un parti est affaibli par le type de démocratie et la force de la socialisation. Un total de 521 participants (293 Américains et 228 Roumains) ont répondu à une enquête évaluant la stabilité de la préférence, les dispositions individuelles, la force de la socialisation et le statut socio-économique. En accord avec l'hypothèse (a), la stabilité d'identification à un parti est significativement prédictible par la socialisation, le désir de contrôle et la perception positive de l'économie. En accord avec l'hypothèse (b), d'une part, le type de démocratie affaiblit la relation entre les perceptions de l'économie et la stabilité de la préférence, d'autre part, la socialisation parentale affaiblit le lien entre le contrôle/la conscience de soi et la stabilité de l'identification à un parti. [source]

The Presidential and Parliamentary Elections of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela: Change and Continuity (1998,2000)

BULLETIN OF LATIN AMERICAN RESEARCH, Issue 2 2002
José E. Molina V
The paper examines to what extent electoral behaviour in Venezuela, as it appeared in the elections of 1998 and 2000, is different from that observed between 1958 and 1988. The paper reaches the conclusion that given the decline in party identification (dealignment), the short-term variables specific to each election, in particular the attitude towards government performance and personalities, have grown in weight vis-à-vis the structural factors (party identification, institutions, long-standing political predispositions). However, the latter were still relevant and important in the 1998 and 2000 elections and it is very likely they will carry on as such for the future. It is also concluded that, even though the party system has become unstable due to the decline in identification with the traditional government parties, new stabilising factors seem to have appeared and should be taken into account. These are ideology and negative party identification. [source]

Values-based Political Messages and Persuasion: Relationships among Speaker, Recipient, and Evoked Values

POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY, Issue 4 2005
Thomas E. Nelson
The persuasive power of values-based political messages may depend on recipients having (1) shared values with the speaker (a type of personal identity match); (2) shared political party identifications with the speaker (a type of social identity match); and/or (3) expectations about values traditionally associated with different political parties (an expectancy violation/confirmation). The independent and joint effects of these factors on the success of a persuasive message were examined, using the theoretical framework of dual-process models of persuasion. Participants (N = 301), classified according to their party identifications and primary value orientations, read a political speech that varied by argument quality, speaker party, and values evoked. Results indicated that value matching promotes close attention to the message, while party mismatching increases message rejection. These effects depend to some extent, however, on expectancies about values traditionally associated with different parties. Participants especially rejected messages from rival party members when the speaker evoked unexpected values. Results are discussed in terms of their implications for the efficacy of values-based political communication. [source]